From  tfie  R^>e^ 

Compromise  in  1  $$4  until  ^m 

dose  of  the  OvU  War  in  1863 


j^jii.ius^ 


LINCOLN  ROOM 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 

founded  by 

HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

and 

HENRIETTA  CALHOUN  HORNER 


"O  slow  to  smite  and  swift  to  spare, 

Gentle  and  merciful  and  JUST! 
Who,  in  the  fear  of  God,  didst  bear 

The  sword  of  power— A  NATION'S  TRUST!" 

—  William  Cullen  Bryant. 


SUPPOSED  DIARY  OF 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 

From  the  Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
in  1854  Until  April  14,  1865 


By  MILTON   R.   SCOTT 

A  UNION  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR 


Where  there  is  no  vision  the  people  perish. — Proverbs  XXIX,  18 


"We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all 
men  are  created  equal  and  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights,  that  among 
these  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, 
and  that  to  secure  these  rights  governments  are  insti- 
tuted among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed." — Declaration  of 
Independence. 


Newark,  Ohio 
1913 


LINCOLN'S  GETTYSBURG  ADDRESS. 

Four  score  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth  on 
this  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty  and  dedicated  to 
the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal.  Now  we  are  en- 
gaged in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether  that  nation,  or  any 
nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can  long  endure.  We  are 
met  on  a  great  battlefield  of  that  war.  We  are  met  to  dedicate 
a  portion  of  it  as  the  final  resting  place  of  the  men  who  here  gave 
their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and 
proper  that  we  should  do  this.  But,  in  a  larger  sense,  we  can 
not  dedicate,  we  can  not  consecrate,  we  can  not  hallow  this  ground. 
The  brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here,  have  conse- 
crated far  above  our  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will 
little  note  nor  long  remember  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never 
forget  what  they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be 
here  dedicated  to  the  unfinished  work,  which  they  have  thus  far 
so  nobly  carried  on.  It  is  for  us  rather  to  be  dedicated  to  the  great 
task  remaining  before  us — that  from  these  honored  dead  we  take 
increased  devotion  to  the  cause  for  which  they  here  gave  the  last 
full  measure  of  devotion  —  that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  the 
dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain  —  that  the  nation  shall,  under  God, 
have  a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  government  of  the  people, 

BY    THE    PEOPLE    AND    FOR    THE    PEOPLE    SHALL    NOT    PERISH    FROM    THE 
EARTH  ! 

Copyright,  1913,  by  Milton  R.  Scott. 

LETTER  TO  MRS.  BIXBY  OF  BOSTON,  MASS. 

Washington,   November   21,   1864. 

Dear  Madam : — I  have  been  shown  on  the  files  of  the  War 
Department  a  statement  from  the  Adjutant  General  of  Massachu- 
setts, that  you  are  the  mother  of  five  sons,  who  have  died  glor- 
iously on  the  field  of  battle.  I  feel  how  weak  and  fruitless  must 
be  any  words  of  mine,  which  should  attempt  to  beguile  you  from 
the  grief  of  a  loss  so  overwhelming.  But  I  can  not  refrain  from 
tendering  to  you  the  consolation  that  may  be  found  in  the  thanks 
of  the  Republic  they  died  to  save.  I  pray  that  our  Heavenly 
Father  may  assuage  the  anguish  of  your  bereavement  and  leave 
you  the  cherished  memory  of  the  loved  and  lost  and  the  solemn 
PRIDE  that  must  be  yours  to  have  laid  so  costly  a  sacrifice  upon  the 
altar  of   freedom.  Yours  sincerely,  A.   Lincoln. 


COLUMBUS,  OHIO: 

THE  F.  J.  HEER  PRINTING  CO. 

19  13 


L, 


A>COA.  /'J 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Chap.  I.     Retrospect    and     Prospect :       A    Vision     of 

Moses  and  Washington 5 

Chap.              II.     Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 9 

Chap.            III.     "Freedom   National,  Slavery  Sectional" 13 

Chap.  IV.     "They    Also    Serve    Who    Only    Stand    and 

Wait!"    16 

Chap.              V.     Campaign  of  1856 21 

Chap.             VI.     The  Dred  Scott  Decision 26 

Chap.           VII.     The  Lecompton  Constitution 28 

Chap.         VIII.     "The  Freeport  Heresy" 34 

Chap.             IX.     The   "Irrepressible   Conflict" 39 

Chap.  X.     Campaign  of  1800 :    "The  End  of  the  Power 

of  Slavery  in  the  United  States!" 41 

Chap.             XI.     Secession  —  Secession  —  Secession    52 

Chap.           XII.     Farewell  to  Springfield 59 

Chap.         XIII.     Exit  Buchanan  —  Enters  Lincoln 63 

Chap.          XIV.     Civil  War  —  Civil  War  —  Civil  War m 

Chap.           XV.     "On    to    Richmond !"— and    Back   to    Wash- 
ington    75 

Chap.          XVI.     McClellan  Called  to  Washington 80 

Chap.        XVII.     The  Sleeping  Sentinel 83 

Chap.      XVIII.     "All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac !" 85 

Chap.         XIX      McClellan's    Peninsular   Campaign 91 

Chap.  XX.     Antietam   and  Emancipation  —  and  the  Last 

of  McClellan 98 

Chap.         XXI.     The  Tragedy  of  Fredericksburg 102 

Chap.        XXII.     Must  the  Cabinet  be  Reconstructed? 103 

Chap.      XXIII.     Murfreesboro    (or   Stone  River)    and  Chan- 

cellorsville    105 

Chap.      XXIV.    Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg!.... 109 

Chap.        XXV.     Chicamauga  —  Lookout  Mountain  —  Mission- 
ary Ridge!  113 

Chap.      XXVI.     Wilderness  —  Spottsylvania  —  Cold  Harbor — 

Atlanta  — Cedar  Creek!    117 

Chap.    XXVII.     Battle   of    Nashville   and    Sherman's    March 

to   the    Sea ! 124 

Chap.  XXVIII.     Fort  Fisher  —  Richmond  —  Petersburg — Five 

Forks  —  Appomattox!    126 

Appendix  134 


(3) 


"THE  FIRST  AAIERICAN." 

Nature,  they  say,  doth  dote, 

And  can  not  make  a  man. 

Save  on   some  worn-out  plan, 

Repeating  us  by  rote. 
For  HIM  her  old-world  moulds  aside  she  threw, 
And,  choosing  sweet  clay  from  the  breast 

Of  the  unexhausted  West, 
With  stuff  untainted,  made  a  hero  new, 
Wise,  steadfast  in  the  strength  of  God — and  TRUE. 

*  *    *     * 

How  beautiful  to  see 
Once  more  a  shepherd  of  mankind  indeed. 
Who  loved  his  charge,  but  never  loved  to  lead ; 
One  whose  meek  flock  the  people  joyed  to  be. 
Not  lured  by  any  cheat  of  birth, 
But  by  his  clear-grained  human  worth, 
And  brave  old  wisdom  of  sincerity  ! 

:(:        :^        :}c        :|: 

His  was  no  lonely  mountain-peak  of  mind, 

Thrusting  to  thin  air  o'er  our  cloudy  bars, 

A  sea-mark  now,  now  lost  in  vapor's  blind ; 

Broad-prairie  rather,  genial,  level-lined ; 

Fruitful  and  friendly  for  all  human  kind ; 

Yet  also  nigh  to  Heaven  and  loved  of  loftiest  stars ! 

*  *    *     * 

Our  children  shall  behold  his  fame; 
The  kindly-earnest,  brave,  foreseeing  man, 
Sagacious,  patient,  dreading  praise,  not  blame, 
New  birth  of  our  new  soil,  the  first  American  ! 

— ^James  Russell  Lowell. 


There  was  the  roughness  of  the  frontier  upon  Mr.  Lincoln ; 
his  clothes  hung  unthought  of  on  his  big  angular  frame;  he  broke 
often,  in  the  midst  of  the  weightiest  affairs  of  state,  into  broad  and 
boisterous  humor;  he  did  his  work  with  a  sort  of  careless  heavi- 
ness, as  if  disinclined  to  action;  but  there  was  a  singular  gift  of 
INSIGHT  in  him  from  early  boyhood.  He  had  been  bred  in  straitened, 
almost  abject  poverty;  and  yet  he  had  made  even  that  life  yield 
him  more  than  other  boys  get  from  formal  schooling.  He  had 
made  a  career  for  himself  in  Illinois,  culminating  in  his  debates 
with  Douglas,  debates  to  which  the  whole  country  paused  to  listen; 
and  he  was  ready  to  be  President  by  the  time  he  became  President. 
He  called  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Chase,  the  accepted  leaders  of  his 
party,  into  his  cabinet;  but  he  himself  determined  the  course  and 
policy  of  his  administration. — Woodrow  Wilson. 


(4) 


SUPPOSED  DIARY  OF 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN 


CHAPTER  I.* 

Retrospect  and  Prospect. — Vision  of  Moses  and  Wash- 
ington. 

Springfield,  III.,  Sunday,  January  i,  1854. — I  have 
never  been  in  the  habit  of  raking  up  my  past  life  on  New 
Year's  day  and  forming  a  series  of  good  resohitions  in 
reference  to  my  future  conduct,  but  this  morning  I  awoke 
several  hours  before  sunrise  and  could  not  go  to  sleep  again 
for  reflecting  on  my  past  and  wondering  what  my  future  is 
to  be.  I  attended  the  usual  services  at  the  Presbyterian 
church,  of  which  my  wife  is  a  member,  in  the  hope  of  get- 
ting relief  from  the  thoughts  and  reflections  that  were  op- 
pressing me,  but  heara  instead  a  very  earnest  discourse 
from  the  text,  "Be  Strong  and  of  a  Good  Courage."  While 
the  sermon  was  addressed  to  people  in  all  conditions  of  life, 
and  I  had  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Dr.  Smith  had  me  in 
his  mind,  my  reflections  of  the  morning  were  greatly  in- 
tensified and  continued  with  me  throughout  the  rest  of  the 
day,  so  that  I  could  do  little  else  but  review  my  past  and 
strive  in  vain  to  forecast  my  future. 

I  suppose  I  may  consider  myself  a  successful,  if  not 
a  highly  distinguished  lawyer,  and  I  have  every  reason  to 
believe  that  the  firm  of  Lincoln  and  Herndon  will  have  as 
large  a  practice  in  the  future  as  we  desire ;  but  I  must  con- 
fess that  the  practice  of  law  has  failed  to  give  me  the  com- 
plete satisfaction  that  I  wish.  My  legal  reputation  is  cer- 
tainly as  good  as  I  deserve,  and  the  respect  and  good  will 
that   I  have  obtained   from  the  people  of   Springfield   and 

*  U.  S.  Senator  Cullom,  of  Illinois,  to  whom  this  first  chapter 
was  submitted,  says  of  it,  "Much  of  the  article  is  substantially 
Lincoln's  own  words,  as  I  remember  them." 

The  author  of  this  book,  however,  lays  no  claim  to  an  imi- 
tation of  Mr.  Lincoln's  peculiar  style  of  speech  and  composition; 
he  only  hopes  that  he  has  revealed  the  mind  and  soul  of  the  great 
President  in  some  measure  at  least. 

(5) 


6  Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

other  parts  of  the  state  is  something  that  I  prize  very  highly ; 
but  there  are  times  when  in  spite  of  my  professional  suc- 
cess and  reputation,  my  life  seems  almost  useless,  and  I 
long  for  a  chance  to  do  something  that  will  give  me  more 
complete  satisfaction  and  earn  a  reputation  that  posterity 
will  always  cherish.  Ever  since  my  youthful  days  I  have 
had  friends  to  flatter  me  that  I  would  some  day  occupy  a 
distinguished  position  in  the  world,  some  of  them  going  so 
far  as  to  say  that  I  would  live  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States;  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  has  frequently  declared  that  I 
would  yet  be  a  greater  man  than  Douglas  before  I  died, 
and  that  I  was  more  likely  to  be  elected  President  than  he 
was ;  but  if  I  have  ever  cherished  such  hopes  and  ambitions 
myself,  they  seem  far  enough  from  being  realized.  I  have 
always  been  more  or  less  active  in  politics,  and  I  can  truly 
say  that  I  have  tried  to  serve  the  whole  people  as  well  as 
to  build  up  the  Whig  party  and  gratify  my  own  ambition ; 
but  my  political  career — if  I  may  claim  to  have  had  such  a 
career — has  been  an  almost  complete  disappointment  and 
failure.  Four  terms  in  the  Illinois  Legislature  and  one  term 
in  Congress  tells  the  whole  story — and  to  how  little  purpose 
or  profit.  I  stumped  it  for  Gen.  Harrison  in  1840  and 
greatly  rejoiced  in  his  victory  over  Van  Buren,  but  his  early 
death  and  the  course  of  Tyler's  administration  deprived  us 
of  all  the  fruits  of  our  victory.  I  also  stumped  the  state 
for  Henry  Clay  in  1844,  and  had  to  share  in  the  pain  and 
mortification  which  came  to  all  his  supporters  at  seeing  him 
defeated  by  a  man  like  James  K.  Polk.  In  the  Taylor  cam- 
paign of  1848,  I  was  again  a  candidate  for  elector-at-large 
on  the  Whig  ticket,  and  although  we  could  not  carry  Il- 
linois for  old  Zach.,  we  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  Gen. 
Cass  defeated  and  our  candidate  placed  in  the  White  House. 
I  have  always  believed  that  Taylor's  death  was  a  great  loss 
to  the  country,  especially  when  I  remember  the  firm  stand 
he  took  in  favor  of  the  admission  of  California  as  a  free 
state  without  any  compromise  or  concession  to  the  slave 
states.  If  he  had  lived,  I  can  not  help  thinking  the  Whig 
party  would  have  carried  the  election  of  1852  and  would 
now  be  in  control  of  the  government  instead  of  being  so 
near  bankruptcy  as  we  seem.  I  was  again  placed  on  the 
Whig  electoral  ticket  in  1852 ;  but  all  my  efforts  to  sustain 
my  own  interest  in  General  Scott,  the  conqueror  of  Alexico, 


Retrospect  and  Prospect 


and  to  secure  votes  for  him  were  in  vain.  And  ever  since 
the  election  of  Pierce  by  so  large  a  majority  of  both  the 
popular  and  the  electoral  vote,  I  have  felt  very  little  hope 
for  the  Whig  party  to  which  I  have  been  so  fondly  attached. 
In  fact,  I  can  hardly  see  any  future  for  it  and  no  political 
future  for  myself.  Clay  and  Webster  are  both  dead,  and  no 
leaders  have  risen  to  take  their  place.  The  country  does 
not  want  another  National  Bank;  and  the  discovery  of 
California  gold  has  so  stimulated  business  that  there  is  very 
little  complaint  over  the  low  tarifif  of  1846,  so  it  would  he 
useless  for  us  to  enter  the  next  presidential  campaign  with 
the  same  platform  on  which  we  have  previously  stood. 

And  even  if  the  Whig  party  is  not  as  dead  as  the 
Democrats  claim  it  is,  the  Democratic  majority  is  so  great 
in  Illinois  and  Douglas  has  such  a  hold  on  the  people,  that 
there  seems  to  be  no  chance  for  me  in  the  political  field. 

I  am  not  a  subscriber  to  Garrison's  Liberator,  but  a 
friend  in  Boston  occasionally  sends  me  a  copy  which  I  am 
pretty  sure  to  read  in  whole  or  in  part.  While  I  think  he 
is  engaged  in  a  hopeless  crusade  and  fear  that  the  agitation 
of  the  Slavery  question  by  him  and  other  abolitionists  is 
doing  more  harm  than  good,  I  can  not  help  admiring  his 
courage  and  sincerity.  I  have  not  yet  read  Mrs.  Stowe's 
"Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  but  I  can  see  that  it  is  having  a  great 
influence  on  the  minds  of  the  Northern  people — and  who  can 
tell  what  the  result  of  all  the  agitation  will  be?  We  Whigs 
followed  the  example  of  the  Democrats  and  declared  in 
our  platform  of  1852  that  the  compromise  measures  of  1850 
were  a  final  settlement  of  the  slavery  question,  but  the  feel- 
ing against  the  fugitive  slave  law  is  constantly  increasing, 
and  the  difficulty  of  enforcing  it  in  the  northern  states  be- 
comes more  and"  more  apparent.  Still  as  slavery  is  a  state 
and  not  a  national  institution,  I  do  not  see  how  the  Free 
Soil  party  can  ever  hope  to  secure  its  abolition  except 
through  the  actions  of  the  states  where  it  now  exists. 

My  own  view  has  always  been  that  the  institution  is 
so  contrary  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  I 
have  always  so  highly  revered,  and  in  fact  so  contrary  to  all 
the  principles  on  which  our  government  was  founded,  that 
if  its  extension  into  our  territories  could  be  prevented,  the 
Southern  states  would  eventually  realize  its  injustice  and 
bad  policy  and  provide  for  its  extinction.    Happily  the  gen- 


8  Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

eral  government  has  already  prohibited  it  north  of  the  com- 
promise Hne  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty  minutes,  north 
latitude,  so  that  the  great  northwest  or  "Platte  country" 
now  occupied  by  Indian  tribes  will  in  the  course  of  future 
years  be  inhabited  by  settlers  devoted  to  freedom  and  free 
soil  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  we  may  therefore 
hope  that  the  friends  of  slavery  will  have  to  be  satisfied 
with  its  present  limits,  if  they  do  not  see  the  wisdom  of 
providing  for  its  extinction.  I  have  heard  it  predicted  by 
some  of  my  pro-slavery  acquaintainces  in  Illinois  that  the 
Missouri  compromise  of  1820  will  some  day  be  repealed; 
but  I  can  not  think  it  possible  that  Congress  will  ever  pass 
such  a  measure,  or  that  any  President  will  ever  give  it  his 
approval. 

Springfield,  III.,  January  2,  1854. — Last  night  I 
dreamed  I  was  again  a  boy  of  ten  years,  standing  by  the 
bedside  of  my  dying  mother;  and  as  she  laid  her  hand  on 
my  head,  she  said  to  me  in  tones  so  clear  that  the  sound  of 
her  voice  still  remains  in  my  ear :  "Abe,  I  have  always 
taught  you  to  be  a  good  boy,  and  you  have  always  been  a 
good  boy  to  me,  and  now  I  want  to  tell  you  that  you  must 
grow  up  to  be  a  good  and  strong  man,  so  that  when  I  look 
down  on  you  from  my  home  in  heaven,  I  will  feel  very 
proud  to  know  I  was  the  mother  who  gave  you  birth." 

Then  my  dream  suddenly  changed,  and  I  was  a  full 
grown  man  at  the  foot  of  a  steep  mountain  on  the  summit 
of  which  I  could  clearly  see  the  faces  and  forms  of  Moses 
and  Washington,  as  they  beckoned  me  to  climb  the  moun- 
tain and  stand  beside  them.  It  was  a  hard  and  painful 
ascent  and  severely  taxed  both  my  patience  and  my  strength  ; 
but  when  I  reached  the  rock  on  which  they  stood,  each  of 
them  gave  me  a  cordial  grasp  of  his  hand,  and  after  speak- 
ing my  name,  suddenly  disappeared  from  my  sight.  Then 
I  awoke  and  have  tried  in  vain  to  answer  the  question  why, 
even  in  a  dream  Moses,  the  deliverer  of  a  race  from  slavery, 
and  Washington,  the  father  of  his  country,  should  thus 
recognize  me  by  name  and  invite  me  to  stand  beside  them 
on  the  summit  of  so  high  a  mountain. 


Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 


CHAPTER  II. 
Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise. 

Springfield^  January  6,  1854. — I  notice  in  a  Chicago 
paper  that  Judge  Douglas,  as  chairman  of  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee on  territories,  has  introduced  a  bill  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Nebraska  territory,  accompanying  it  with  the 
statement  that  his  committee  did  not  feel  called  on  to  dis- 
cuss the  controverted  questions  whether  Congress  had  any 
rightful  authority  to  legislate  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in 
the  territories  and  whether  the  constitution  secured  the 
right  of  every  citizen  to  take  slave  property  as  well  as  all 
other  kinds  of  property  into  the  territories ;  but  at  the  same 
time  his  report  contains  the  wholly  new  proposition  that  the 
compromise  measures  of  1850  are  to  be  considered  as  based 
on  the  principle  that  all  questions  pertaining  to  slavery  are 
to  be  left  to  the  people  of  the  territories  acting  through 
their  chosen  representatives.  What  Douglas  proposes  to 
do  with  the  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820  does  not  appear 
in  either  his  bill  or  his  accompanying  report;  but  I  think 
he  will  have  to  meet  that  question  one  way  or  the  otlier 
before  he  secures  action  on  his  bill  by  either  the  Senate 
or  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Springfield,  January  20,  1854.  —  It  has  come  to  pass 
as  I  expected ;  Douglas  will  have  to  recognize  the  Missouri 
Compromise  as  the  fixed  law  of  the  country  or  provide 
for  its  repeal  in  his  bill.  Senator  Dixon,  of  Kentucky, 
although  a  Whig,  has  given  notice  that  when  Douglas'  bill 
comes  before  the  Senate  for  action,  he  will  offer  an  amend- 
ment providing  that  the  provision  in  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise of  1820  prohibiting  slavery  in  all  the  territory  of 
the  Louisiana  Purchase  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  and 
thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  shall  not  apply  to  the  territory 
contemplated  in  this  act,  which  would  virtually  repeal  the 
Missouri  Compromise  and  open  the  Nebraska  territory  to 
the  institution  of  slavery.  This  will  be  a  hard  question 
for  Douglas  to  decide,  and  whatever  decision  he  may  make 
will  have  a  very  important  bearing  for  better  or  worse  on 
his  presidential  aspirations  and  his  political  future,  and 
also  on  the  welfare  of  the  country.  Only  a  year  or  so  ago 
he  declared  the  Missouri  Compromise  a  binding  contract; 


10        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

but  no  one  can  tell  whether  he  will  adhere  to  that  view,  if 
he  is  led  to  think  it  will  conflict  with  his  presidential 
aspirations. 

Springfield,  January  25,  1854. — The  die  is  cast  so 
far  as  Douglas  is  concerned.  He  has  accepted  Dixon's 
amendment  and  reported  a  bill  repealing  the  jNIissouri  Com- 
promise. His  new  bill  provides  for  two  territories,  one 
lying  directly  west  of  Alissouri  to  be  known  as  Kansas,  and 
the  northern  portion  to  be  known  as  Nebraska.  With 
reference  to  slavery  he  declares  in  his  bill  that  it  is  based 
on  the  principles  established  by  the  compromise  measures 
of  1850,  and  that  the  "true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  act 
is  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  territory  or  State  of 
the  United  States  or  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave 
the  people  thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate 
their  domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way — "subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  And  yet  neither 
Douglas  nor  any  supporter  of  his  bill  could  find  anything 
in  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  denying  the  right  of 
Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  any  territory  or  establish- 
ing any  principle  or  policy  for  any  other  territories  but 
Utah  and  New  Mexico,  in  which  the  question  of  slavery 
was  left  for  the  decision  of  their  inhabitants. 

A  fatal  defect  in  his  bill  is  that  it  does  not  state 
whether  the  people  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  may  deter- 
mine the  question  of  slavery  while  under  a  territorial  gov- 
ernment, or  must  wait  until  they  frame  a  constitution  and 
are  admitted  into  the  Union  as  states.  Rumor  has  it  that 
Douglas  and  the  Southern  leaders  have  mutually  agreed  to 
let  this  question  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
that  herein  lies  the  significance  of  the  clause,  "subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  What  breakers 
ahead  there  may  be  for  Douglas  on  this  issue  Heaven  only 
knows.  To  me  it  seems  that  he  is  only  treasuring  up  wrath 
against  the  day  of  wrath  for  himself  and  his  party. 

Springfield,  February  12,  1854. — This  is  my  forty- 
fifth  birthday;  and  having  no  cases  on  hand  that  demanded 
immediate  attention,  I  have  lain  on  the  lounge  in  our  office 
and  given  myself  up  to  pretty  much  the  same  reflections  that 
occupied  my  mind  on  New  Year's  day,  and  to  some  extent 
ever  since.  At  last  I  have  reached  what  is  supposed  to  be 
the  prime  of  life,  and  although  my  health  is  good,  I  must 


Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise         11 

face  the  fact  that  henceforth  I  will  have  to  travel  the  down 
grade  in  physical  vigor.  Besides  the  ambition  I  have  always 
cherished  in  some  measure,  I  have  often  longed  to  render 
some  service  to  the  country  that  would  give  me  the  satis- 
faction of  making  my  life  truly  useful  and  would  be  grate- 
fully remembered  by  the  people  when  I  am  no  more  on 
the  earth.  At  this  time  I  am  almost  "possessed"  with 
the  desire  to  do  something  that  would  prevent  the  passage 
of  Douglas'  Nebraska  bill  by  Congress.  But  as  I  am  not  a 
member  of  either  the  Senate  or  the  lower  house  of  Congress, 
alas  I  can  do  nothing.  So  I  can  only  console  myself  with 
the  reflection  that  if  it  becomes  a  law  I  will  be  in  no  manner 
responsible  for  the  evil  results  that  will  surely  follow. 

Springfield,  February  28,  1854. —  And  so  our  State 
Legislature  has  adopted  a  resolution  indorsing  Douglas' 
Nebraska  bill,  although  when  they  first  assembled  less  than 
half  a  dozen  members  were  in  favor  of  it.  But  under  the 
party  lash  and  Douglas'  personal  influence  the  Democratic 
majority  (as  far  as  their  influence  extends)  have  made 
themselves  parties  to  this  great  wrong,  if  Divine  Providence 
permits  it  to  be  consummated. 

Springfield,  March  4,  1854. —  It  is  only  a  year  since 
President  Pierce  congratulated  the  country  on  the  final 
settlement  of  the  slavery  question  by  the  compromise  meas- 
ures of  1850,  and  only  three  months  since  in  his  annual 
message  he  gave  us  the  most  positive  assurance  that  the 
agitation  of  this  question  would  never  be  reopened  by  any 
act  of  his  administration ;  and  yet  last  night — at  the  fit 
HOUR  OF  MIDNIGHT !  —  a  Democratic  Senate  passed  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise 
of  1820  and  opening  the  territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska 
to  the  institution  of  slavery  by  the  decisive  vote  of  thirty- 
seven  to  fourteen.  It  is  hardly  likely  the  Senate  would 
have  done  this  without  a  promise  from  Pierce  that  he 
would  sign  the  bill,  if  it  also  passes  the  House ;  but  we  can 
only  wait  and  see. 

I  have  been  much  interested  in  reading  the  debates 
on  this  bill  and  the  arguments  urged  against  it  by  Seward, 
Chase,  Wade,  Sumner  and  others.  I  am  not  sure  that  I 
could  have  added  anything  to  their  points,  but  the  desire 
to  participate  in  the  debate  and  show  the  country  the 
fallacy  of  Douglas'  "popular  sovereignty"  doctrine  has  been 


12         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

very  great,  and  it  has  been  hard  for  me  to  see  a  measure 
so  contrary  to  the  principles  of  our  government  adopted 
by  the  Senate,  while  I  had  no  opportunity  to  raise  my 
voice  against  it.  I  still  have  hope  that  the  House  will  vote 
it  down ;  but  the  power  of  the  administration  is  very  great ; 
and  no  one  can  tell  how  far  it  will  be  exercised  to  carry 
through  this  measure  of  Senator  Douglas  without  regard  to 
its  elTect  on  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  country. 

Springfield,  May  25,  1854.  —  After  considering 
Douglas'  bill  nearly  three  months,  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives finally  passed  it  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and 
thirteen  to  one  hundred  and  ten,  and  it  has  been  duly 
signed  by  President  Pierce,  notwithstanding  all  his  pledges 
to  do  nothing  that  would  reopen  the  agitation  of  the 
slavery  question.  It  is  some  satisfaction  to  learn  that  as 
many  as  forty-four  Northern  Democrats  voted  against  this 
bill  and  not  one  Northern  Whig  in  favor  of  it. 

I  have  always  been  slow  to  attribute  improper  motives 
to  my  political  opponents ;  but  if  Pierce  was  sincere  in  the 
promises  he  made  in  his  Inaugural  and  in  his  annual 
message  to  Congress,  his  hand  must  have  shook  and 
HIS  KNEES  smote  TOGETHER  whcn  he  wrotc  his  name  in 
approval  of  this  bill.  And  how  blind  he  must  be  to  its 
efifect  on  his  administration  and  his  party.  I  have  never 
claimed  any  "gift  of  prophesy,"  but  I  may  safely  predict 
that  Pierce's  own  party  will  be  too  wise  in  their  generation 
to  nominate  him  for  President  in  1856. 

Springfield,  June  20,  1854.  —  Ever  since  the  passage 
of  Douglas'  Nebraska  bill  I  have  been  wondering  what  he 
thinks  of  his  achievement  and  what  his  forecast  of  his 
political  prospects  may  be.  Knowing  his  great  ambition 
to  be  President,  I  have  not  been  greatly  surprised  at  his 
efforts  to  please  the  Democratic  leaders  of  the  slave  states ; 
but  he  certainly  fails  to  appreciate  the  righteous  indigna- 
tion which  his  measure  has  aroused  in  the  North,  and  how 
can  he  hope  to  be  elected  by  the  South  alone?  Only  last 
night  I  dreamed  I  saw  him  riding  a  magnificent  steed  and 
going  forth  to  do  battle  at  the  head  of  an  army  with  drums 
beating  and  colors  flying.  But  in  the  efifort  to  make  a 
movement  against  the  enemy  he  was  fighting,  he  suddenly 
approached  a  deep  ditch  into  which  he  and  his  horse  both 
fell,  when  his  army  quickly  scattered  in  all  directions  and 


"Freedom  National,  Slavery  Sectional"      13 

left  him  to  his  fate.  "Such  stuff  as  dreams  are  made  of,"  'tis 
true,  but  why  should  such  a  dream  come  to  me  in  the 
dead  hours  of  the  night? 

Springfield,  June  24,  1854. — Have  just  written  a 
letter  to  my  good  friend  Joshua  Speed,  who  formerly  lived 
in  Springfield  but  now  lives  in  Louisville,  Kentucky,  in 
which  I  freely  expressed  my  views  on  the  slavery  question. 
I  also  reminded  him  of  our  steamboat  trip  from  Louisville 
to  Cairo  in  the  year  1841  and  of  the  impression  that  was 
made  on  my  mind  by  seeing  a  number  of  negro  slaves  on 
the  boat  chained  together  and  carried  as  mere  frieght  on 
their  way  to  the  southern  market.  I  would  certainly  be  an 
anti-slavery  man  and  would  oppse  the  extension  of  the  in- 
stitution into  our  free  territory,  if  I  knew  no  more  of  its 
evil  character  than  I  saw  on  that  trip. 

Speed  generously  gave  me  office  room  and  bedroom 
over  his  store  in  Springfield  when  I  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  the  year  1836,  and  our  relations  ever  since  have  ever 
been  the  most  cordial  and  friendly,  but  I  do  not  think  he 
realizes  as  I  do  the  extent  to  which  Congress  has  departed 
from  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  government  in  the 
passage  of  Douglas'  Nebraska  bill. 


CHAPTER  HL 

"Freedom  National,   Slavery  Sectional." 

Springfield,  July  4,  1854.  —  Our  national  birthday 
is  being  celebrated  throughout  the  State  in  the  usual  manner, 
but  there  are  fears  and  forebodings  in  many  people's  minds 
that  can  not  be  concealed  or  denied.  Here  in  Springfield 
and  generally  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state  the  anti- 
Nebraska  sentiment  seems  overwhelming ;  but  in  the  south- 
ern portion  the  prevailing  sentiment  is  very  dififerent.  We 
Whigs  have  been  in  quite  a  pickle,  not  knowing  whether  we 
had  better  try  to  maintain  our  organization  and  nominate 
our  own  candidates  for  Congress  and  the  Legislature  or 
join  hands  with  the  anti-Nebraska  Democrats  and  try  to 
secure  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  by 
electing  men  who  are  opposed  to  Douglas'  bill.  For  my  own 
part  I  would  willingly  surrender  all  my  devotion  to  the 
Whig  party,  if  I  could  make  myself  in  the  least  degree 
effective  in  securing  a  Legislature  that  would  elect  an  anti- 


14        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Nebraska  man  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  place  of  James 
Shields,  who  voted  for  the  Nebraska  bill  against  his  better 
judgment  in  order  to  please  Douglas,  and  also  effective  in 
sending  an  anti-Nebraska  delegation  to  the  lower  house  of 
Congress  that  would  undo  the  work  of  Richardson  and  the 
other  Democratic  members  of  our  delegation.  But  if  we 
make  a  fusion  with  the  anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  there 
are  some  pro-slavery  Whigs  who  will  vote  the  Democratic 
ticket.  However,  I  am  hopeful  there  will  be  enough  anti- 
Nebraska  men  in  both  parties  who  will  put  principle  above 
party  and  overturn  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  State. 
And  it  now  looks  as  if  the  same  result  will  be  secured  in 
other  Northern  States.  The  Free  Soil  party,  whose  influ- 
ence I  have  generally  regarded  as  more  useful  to  the  pro- 
slavery  cause  than  to  anti-slavery,  seem  willing  to  give  up 
their  party  organization  and  assist  in  the  election  of  anti- 
Nebraska  men  to  Congress.  The  150,000  votes  they  gave 
to  John  P.  Hale  in  1852  can  not  fail  to  turn  the  scale  in 
many  states. 

Springfield,  July  6,  1854.  —  Herndon  and  I  are  fre- 
quently taken  to  task  by  our  fellow-lawyers  for  making  such 
low  charges  for  our  services,  and  being  so  "easy"  in  col- 
lecting our  fees ;  but  it  is  simply  impossible  for  me  to 
have  any  ambition  about  amassing  riches  for  myself  beyond 
what  is  necessary  for  the  support  of  my  family  and  a  reason- 
able provision  against  old  age.  If  I  had  always  charged 
such  fees  as  most  other  lawyers  charge,  I  might  by  this 
time  have  been  able  to  call  myself  a  rich  man,  but  what 
satisfaction  would  that  be  to  me?  What  is  large  wealth, 
anyhow,  but  a  superfluity  of  the  things  v^e  don't 
NEED.?  And  I  have  sometimes  thought  it  was  chiefly  valu- 
■  able  as  a  means  of  keeping  other  people  from  getting  the 
things  they  do  need. 

And  I  have  noticed  that  while  the  all-wise  Creator 
allows  some  people  to  obtain  a  very  large  portion  of  the 
earth's  riches  while  others  can  hardly  secure  the  necessities 
of  life,  it  seems  to  me  He  does  not  permit  the  rich  to  secure 
greater  happiness  than  the  poor  as  a  rule. 

I  also  hold  that  lawyers  as  well  as  doctors  and  ministers 
should  consider  themselves  public  servants  and  should  not 
refuse  to  appear  in  court  in  any  case  of  clear  merit,  even 
if  they  have  no  hope  of  obtaining  their  fees. 


"Freedom  National,  Slavery  Sectional"       15 

Springfield,  July  8,  1854.  —  In  pursuance  of  a  call 
signed  by  more  than  ten  thousand  voters,  the  anti-Nebraska 
men  of  Michigan  met  "under  the  oaks"  at  Jackson  in  that 
state  two  or  three  days  ago  and  organized  themselves  as  a 
party  under  the  name  of  "Republican."  After  demanding 
the  restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  they  proceeded 
to  nominate  a  full  state  ticket  with  Kinsley  S.  Bingham  at 
its  head  as  their  candidate  for  Governor.  If  a  new  party  is 
to  be  formed  for  the  conflict  that  is  before  us  I  know  no 
better  name  for  it  than  the  one  they  chose. 

Springfield,  August  10,  1854.  —  Notwithstanding  the 
large  majority  Pierce  received  over  Scott  in  Iowa  in  1852, 
the  election  recently  held  in  that  state  resulted  in  a  decided 
anti-Nebraska  victory,  Mr.  Grimes  being  elected  Governor 
by  a  handsome  majority.  I  am  hoping,  perhaps  hoping 
against  hope,  for  a  similar  result  in  Illinois  in  November; 
but  I  can  not  expect  so  complete  a  revolution,  as  there  are 
so  many  emigrants  from  the  South  in  the  Southern  part 
of  the  state  to  which  we  have  given  the  name  of  "Egypt." 

Springfield,  October  10,  1854.  —  The  election  of 
James  Pollock,  the  Whig  and  anti-Nebraska  candidate  for 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  with  a  majority  of  anti-Nebraska 
congressmen  in  that  state  and  Indiana,  in  addition  to  the 
election  of  an  entire  anti-Nebraska  delegation  in  Ohio  by 
a  majority  of  3,000  and  over  in  each  district,  gives  me 
great  satisfaction  and  increases  my  hope  of  an  anti-Ne- 
braska victory  in  Illinois  in  November.  I  am  aware,  how- 
ever, that  the  result  in  these  states,  particularly  in  Ohio, 
was  largely  due  to  the  "Know  Nothing"  organization,  whose 

SECRET   OATHS   AND   PROSCRIPTION   ON   ACCOUNT   OF   RELIGION 

OR  FOREIGN  BIRTH  I  CAN  NEVER  INDORSE.  Whatever  prin- 
ciples or  measures  I  advocate,  I  want  to  do  everything  in 
the  full  light  of  day  and  before  the  eyes  of  all  the  people; 
for  I  hold  that  to  proscribe  any  man  on  account  of  his 
religion  or  his  foreign  birth  is  contrary  to  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  and  to  all  m,y  notions  of  justice  and 
fairness. 

Peoria,  Ills.,  October  16,  1854.  —  Douglas  spoke  at 
this  place  for  three  hours  today  in  defense  of  his  Nebraska 
bill  and  his  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty,  —  which  doc- 
trine, when  duly  interpreted  means  that  if  one  man  wants 


16        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

to  make  a  slave  of  another  man,  no  third  man  has  a  right 
to  object  —  and  I  repHed  this  evening  in  a  speech  of  about 
the  same  length  in  an  address  which  I  had  prepared  with 
considerable  care  and  study.  I  know  full  well  that  I  have 
no  such  gifts  of  oratory  as  Douglas  has ;  but  the  attention 
and  appreciation  of  the  people  were  very  gratifying,  and 
at  the  close  Douglas  himself  told  me  my  arguments  against 
his  bill  were  harder  to  answer  than  any  he  had  encountered 
in  the  United  States  Senate.  I  did  not,  however,  tell  him 
how  I  longed  to  be  a  member  of  the  Senate  and  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  debates  on  his  bill  when  it  was  before  that 
body. 

My  friends  all  tell  me  that  my  speeches  in  this  cam- 
paign are  more  effective  than  any  they  ever  heard  in  pre- 
vious campaigns.  I  suppose  this  is  because  I  am  seeking  to 
convince  them,  and  I  believe  I  am  convincing  most  of  them, 
that  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill  was  a  great  WRONG, 
and  not  merely  an  unnecessary  and  unwise  measure. 

Springfield,  October  20,  1854.  —  The  recent  anti- 
Nebraska  state  convention  held  in  this  place  was  composed 
of  Whi<ys,  Democrats  and  Free  Soilers  united  in  their 
determination  to  oppose  the  further  extension  of  slavery 
and  to  secure  the  election  of  an  anti-Nebraska  senator  in 
place  of  Shields  and  the  election  of  as  many  anti-Nebraska 
representatives  as  possible  in  the  state.  It  seemed  rather 
strange  for  me  to  act  in  a  political  convention  with  men 
to  whom  I  have  always  been  opposed  in  political  matters  ; 
but  as  we  have  a  common  purpose  we  found  no  great  diffi- 
culty in  putting  our  heads  together  and  nominating  a  candi- 
date for  Governor  and  other  state  offices.  We  passed  a 
series  of  resolutions  declaring  freedom  national,  and 
SLAVERY  SECTIONAL,  and  pledging  ourselves  to  resist  its 
extension  into  the  territories  of  the  United  States.  Since 
the  convention  was  held  my  friends  have  prevailed  on  me 
to  accept  a  nomination  for  Representative  in  our  State 
Legislature ;  so  after  six  years'  retirement,  willy  or  nilly, 
I  am  a  candidate  for  office  and  in  politics  again. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
"They  Also  Serve  Who  Only  Stand  and  Wait.'' 
Springfield,  November  10,  1854. —  The  returns  of  our 


"They  Also  Serve  Who  Stand  and  Wait"      17 

state  election  are  all  in,  and  I  am  chosen  one  of  Sangamon 
county's  representatives  in  our  State  Legislature  by  some 
six  hundred  majority.  Although  the  Democracy  have  re- 
elected Gov.  Matteson,  we  anti-Nebraska  men  have  secured 
five  oi  our  nine  Congressmen  and  a  small  majority  in  the 
Legislature,  so  that  we  are  sure  to  elect  an  anti-Nebraska 
Senator  in  Shields'  place.  A  great  many  friends  have  told 
me  that  my  speeches  in  reply  to  Douglas  have  made  me  the 
\eader  of  the  anti-Nebraska  forces  in  the  state  and  that  I 
am  clearly  entitled  to  this  honor.  I  take  it  that  no  man 
owns  a  public  office  or  can  claim  to  deserve  one  until  he 
gets  it  by  due  process  of  law;  but  a  seat  in  the  Senate 
where  I  could  hope  to  effectively  oppose  the  extension  of 
slavery  would  gratify  my  ambition  beyond  the  power  of 
words  to  express.  I  have  no  doubt  that  a  large  majority 
of  the  anti-Nebraska  men  elected  to  the  Legislature  will  be 
for  me,  but  I  fear  there  will  be  a  few  Democrats  among 
them  who  can  not  be  induced  to  vote  for  as  staunch  a 
Whig  as  I  have  always  been.  Moreover,  I  will  have  to 
resign  my  seat  in  the  Legislature  before  I  am  eligible  to 
an  election  according  to  the  constitution  of  Illinois.  My 
resignation  of  a  seat  in  the  Legislature,  I  may  safely  assume, 
would  work  no  injury  to  the  state  of  Illinois  or  to  myself. 
Springfield,  February  9,  1855. — The  two  houses  of 
our  Legislature  assembled  in  joint  convention  yesterday  to 
choose  a  United  States  Senator  in  place  of  Shields.  I 
would  have  been  chosen  by  two  majority  if  all  the  anti- 
Nebraska  men  had  voted  for  me;  but  a  small  number  of 
anti-Nebraska  Democrats  persisted  in  voting  for  Lyman 
Trumbull,  and  after  eight  or  nine  ballots  had  been  taken 
I  saw  that  I  had  no  chance,  and  in  order  to  prevent  the 
election  of  Gov.  Matteson,  I  advised  my  friends  to  vote 
for  Judge  Trumbull  and  thereby  secured  his  election.  Great 
as  is  my  disappointment,  I  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing 
that  by  my  withdrawal  I  prevented  the  election  of  Gov. 
Matteson  and  secured  the  election  of  a  very  able  opponent 
of  slavery  extension  to  represent  our  state  in  the  United 
States  Senate  during  the  coming  six  years.  I  have  never 
claimed  to  be  free  from  personal  ambition  in  politics,  but 
my  supreme  purpose  is  to  promote  the  cause  of  freedom, 
even  if  I  have  to  sacrifice  myself  in  the  contest. 
2 


18         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Last  Sunday  I  heard  a  sermon  on  the  life  of  Moses, 
in  which  the  preacher  dwelt  at  some  length  on  the  fact  that 
this  great  leader  had  to  spend  forty  years  as  a  shepherd  in 
the  wilderness  before  he  was  prepared  to  enter  on  his  great 
task;  and  at  the  close  of  his  sermon  he  quoted  from  the 
poet  Milton : 

"God  doth  not  need 
Either  man's  works  or  His  own  gifts.     Who  best 
Bear  His  mild  yoke,  they  serve  Him  best.  His  state 
Is  kingly ;  thousands  at  His  bidding  speed. 
And  post  o'er  land  and  ocean  without  rest ; 
They  also  serve  who  only  stand  and  wait." 

Can  it  be  possible  that  these  lines  of  the  great  poet 
have  any  special  application  to  my  case? 

I  did  not  go  to  bed  last  night  until  after  midnight  for 
pondering  on  my  defeat  and  schooling  myself  to  bear  it 
without  being  discouraged  for  the  sake  of  our  cause.  Soon 
after  I  fell  asleep  I  once  more  dreamed  that  I  saw  Moses 
and  Washington  on  the  summit  of  a  great  mountain  beckon- 
ing me  to  come  up  and  stand  beside  them.  This  time  the 
ascent  seemed  much  more  tedious  and  difficult  than  before, 
but  each  of  them  grasped  me  firmly  by  the  hand  and  said 
to  me  in  a  voice  that  thrilled  my  wearied  frame  from  head 
to  foot: 

"They  also  serve  who  only  stand — and  WAIT." 

Would  that  I  could  find  another  prophet  Daniel  to  give 
me  the  meaning  and  interpretation  of  this  dream ! 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  March  lo,  1855.  —  I  made  my  ap- 
pearance in  the  L^nited  States  Court  in  this  "Queen  City  of 
the  West"  yesterday  as  one  of  three  attorneys  for  the  de- 
fense in  the  case  of  McCormick  vs.  Manny;  but  as  there 
were  only  two  attorneys  on  McCormick's  side,  the  court  was 
only  willing  to  hear  from  two  on  our  side.  This  was  quite 
a  disappointement  to  me  as  I  had  spent  a  great  deal  of 
time  in  preparing  for  the  case  and  wanted  to  make  a  reply 
to  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  who  is  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  lawyers  in  the  country.  But  Edwin  M. 
Stanton,  of  Steubenville,  in  this  state,  who  was  our  senior 
counsel,  not  only  declined  to  insist  on  my  being  heard,  but 
seemed  to  have  so  much  confidence  in  his  own  ability  and  so 
little  in  mine  that  he  even  failed  to  show  me  the  respect 


"  They  Also  Serve  Who  Stand  and  Wait  "     19 

and  courtesy  that  were  due  an  associate  counsel.  But  this 
did  not  prevent  my  appreciating  his  great  abihty  and  wish- 
ing it  could  be  employed  in  our  struggle  against  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery.  Also  —  I  know  not  why  —  as  I  sat  and 
listened  to  Mr.  Stanton's  clear  and  effective  argument,  the 
question  arose  in  my  mind  whether  I  should  ever  meet  him 
again  under  such  circumstances  that  he  would  give  me  the 
courtesy  and  respect  that  he  denied  me  on  this  occasion ! 

Springfield,  August  i,  1855.  —  At  the  demand  of 
Jefferson  Davis,  his  Secretary  of  War,  President  Pierce  has 
removed  Gov.  Reeder,  of  Kansas,  on  account  of  his  un- 
willingness to  sustain  the  Border  Ruffian  efforts  to  make 
Kansas  a  slave  state.  Wilson  Shannon,  a  former  Governor 
of  Ohio,  who  has  taken  Reeder's  place,  is  said  to  be  a  pro- 
slavery  man ;  but  1  can  not  think  he  will  be  willing  to  do 
the  bidding  of  the  desperate  men  who  are  seeking  to 
extend  the  institution  of  slavery  over  this  fair  territory. 
And  unless  he  does  comply  with  their  demands  and  indorse 
all  their  acts,  he  may  expect  the  same  fate  that  has  over- 
taken Governor  Reeder. 

Springfield,  Y\ugust  15,  1855.  —  In  a  rather  gloomy 
mood,  which  I  hope  will  not  continue  with  me  very  long, 
I  have  just  written  to  my  friend,  George  Robertson,  of 
Lexington,  Kentucky,  that  there  is  no  peaceful  extinction  of 
slavery  in  prospect  for  us,  and  that  the  autocrat  of  all  the 
Russias  will  resign  his  crown  and  declare  his  subjects  free 
Republicans  before  our  American  masters  will  give  up  their 
slaves.  And  then  I  added :  "Our  political  problem  now  is, 
can  we,  as  a  nation,  continue  together  permanently,  half 
slave  and  have  free?  May  God  in  His  mercy  superintend 
the  solution." 

I  should  certainly  despair  of  this  Republic,  if  I  did  not 
believe  that  the  same  God  who  carried  our  fathers  through 
the  Revolution  still  lives,  and  that  in  some  way  that  we 
know  not  He  will  direct  us  in  the  solution  of  this  problem. 

Springfield,  September  10,  1855. —  I  feel  satisfied — 
I  am  almost  satisfied — that  if  the  settlement  of  Kansas  could 
be  allowed  to  take  its  natural  course,  it  would  become  a  free 
state;  but  the  slaveholders  of  Missouri,  encouraged  and 
'stimulated  by  the  politicians  'and  slaveholders  of  other 
southern  states,  have  shown  a  determination  to  establish 
slavery  within  the  territory,  even  if  they  have  to  do  it  by 


20         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


force.  In  fact,  under  the  leadership  of  Senator  D.  R. 
Atchison,  they  have  systematically  organized  for  that  pur- 
pose, and  are  making  the  most  serious  threats  against  any 
settlers  who  may  oppose  their  plans. 

On  the  other  hand,  an  "Emigrant  Aid  Society"  has  been 
formed  in  Massachusetts  to  encourage  and  assist  emigration 
from  New  England  into  the  new  territory.  But  as  Missouri 
lies  contiguous  to  Kansas,  Atchison  and  his  followers  have 
all  the  advantage  on  their  side.  God  only  knows  what  the 
final  result  will  be. 

Springfield,  October  12,  1855.  —  I  have  been  very 
much  gratified  by  the  election  of  Salmon  P.  Chase  as  Gover- 
nor of  Ohio,  for  although  I  have  no  personal  acquaintance 
with  him,  from  my  knowledge  of  his  record  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  I  consider  him  a  man  of  very  superior  ability 
and  a  truly  earnest  and  devoted  opponent  of  slavery  exten- 
sion. There  are  some  intimations  that  he  has  his  eye  on  the 
presidential  nomination  next  year  —  but  the  presidency 
seldom  comes  to  those  who  seek  it  too  hard. 

Decatur,  Ills.,  February  22,  1856  —  At  a  meeting  of 
the  anti-Nebraska  editors  of  the  state  held  here  to-day, 
a  resolution  was  adopted  recommending  the  holding  of  a 
state  convention  at  Bloomington  on  the  coming  29th  of 
June  for  the  nomination  of  a  state  ticket  and  the  more  com- 
plete organization  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  state.  In 
the  course  of  the  address  which  they  invited  me  to  deliver 
at  their  evening  banquet,  I  took  occasion  to  inform  them 
that  while  I  had  been  suggested  as  the  most  suitable  candi- 
date for  Governor,  I  did  not  wish  to  be  thus  honored,  as 
there  were  many  anti-Nebraska  Democrats  in  the  state  who 
would  not  vote  for  me  on  acount  of  my  well-known  Whig 
record,  and  I  therefore  suggested  the  name  of  Colonel  Wm. 
H.  Bissell  believing  he  would  receive  the  votes  of  both 
Whigs  and  Democrats  and  would  be  triumphantly  elected. 

The  long  deadlock  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress  has 
at  length  been  broken  by  the  election  of  Nathaniel  P.  Banks, 
of  Massachusetts,  as  Speaker.  This  is  an  anti-slavery  vic- 
tory, which  I  hope,  but  hardly  dare  to  expect,  presages 
the  election  of  a  Republican  President  next  November. 


Campaign  of   1856  21 

CHAPTER  V. 
Campaign  of  1856. 

Springfield,  February  25,  1856.  —  The  American 
(alias  "Know  Nothing")  party  met  in  convention  in  Phila- 
delphia on  the  22nd  inst.  and  after  the  withdrawal  of  some 
fifty  anti-Nebraska  delegates  proceeded  to  nominate  Ex- 
President  Fillmore  for  President  and  Andrew  Jackson 
Donelson,  of  Tennessee,  a  nephew  of  Ex-President  Jack- 
son, for  Vice  President.  As  it  will  be  impossible  for  the 
new  Republican  party  to  indorse  these  nominations  on  the 
platform  adopted  by  the  convention,  we  will  have  a  tri- 
angular contest  for  the  presidency  this  year,  which  will 
greatly  increase  the  chances  for  the  Democratic  candidate, 
1  fear.  And  the  mass  convention  of  anti-slavery  men 
which  met  in  Pittsburg  on  the  same  day  have  issued  a 
call  for  a  national  Republican  convention  in  Philadelphia 
on  the  coming  17th  of  June  to  nominate  Republican  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United 
States ;  so  in  the  presidential  election  of  this  year  we  will 
have  a  direct  issue  between  the  friends  of  slavery  and 
the  friends  of  freedom. 

Springfield,  April  i,  1856. —  The  case  of  the  negro, 
Dred  Scott,  who  sued  for  his  freedom  in  the  United  States 
court  for  Missouri  on  the  ground  that  he  had  been  kept 
by  his  master  for  a  number  of  years  in  the  territory  of 
Minnesota  in  which  slavery  was  prohibited  by  the  ordi- 
nance of  1787,  has  been  argued  and  re-argued  before  the 
supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  but  no  decision  has 
yet  been  rendered.  Is  it  possible  that  on  account  of  the 
Kansas  troubles  and  the  growth  of  anti-slavery  sentiment 
in  the  country  the  five  Democratic  judges  are  withholding 
their  decision  in  this  case  until  after  the  coming  presiden- 
tial election  ?  I  can  certainly  see  no  other  reason  for  their 
delay. 

Springfield,  May  25,  1856. —  The  whole  country  has 
been  deeply  stirred  by  the  terrible  assault  on  Senator 
Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  by  Preston  S.  Brooks,  of  South 
Carolina,  in  the  Senate  chamber  of  the  United  States. 
The  House  of  Representatives,  to  which  Brooks  belonged, 
lacked  the  two-thirds  vote  which  was  necessary  to  expel 


22        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

him,  but  passed  a  resolution  of  censure  by  a  majority  vote 
which  caused  him  to  resign  his  seat;  but  in  all  probability 
he  will  be  re-elected,  as  his  deed  is  generally  approved  in 
the  South. 

Some  of  our  people  see  in  this  assault  on  Senator 
Sumner  a  precursor  of  an  assault  which  the  slave  power 
will  one  day  make  on  the  government  itself;  but  I  am  very 
reluctant  to  adopt  such  a  view. 

Springfield,  May  27. —  The  report  of  the  committee 
appointed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  to  investigate 
the  Kansas  troubles  declares  that  every  election  that  has 
been  held  under  the  organic  law  of  the  territory  has  been 
controlled  by  armed  and  organized  invasions  from  Missouri ; 
that  the  so-called  Territorial  Legislature  was  an  illegal 
body,  and  that  a  fair  election  cannot  be  held  in  the  terri- 
tory without  a  new  census  and  the  protection  of  the  United 
States  army. 

Aleantime  the  troubles  in  the  territory  have  virtually 
reached  the  stage  of  civil  war  and  are  still  increasing,  while 
the  pro-slavery  party  still  enjoys  the  favor  and  approval 
of  Pierce's  administration.  How  long,  O  Lord,  how  long 
must  these  things  continue? 

Bloomington,  Ills.,  May  29,  1856. — I  was  called  on 
to  speak  at  the  state  convention  held  here  today  to  com- 
plete the  organization  of  the  Republican  party  and  prepare 
for  our  Presidential  campaign.  Although  I  had  made  no 
formal  preparation,  I  was  listened  to  with  such  interest  and 
attention  that  I  was  almost  lifted  out  of  the  body,  and  the 
reporters  who  were  present  told  me  afterwards  that  they 
were  so  "carried  away"  with  my  address  that  they  forgot 
to  take  any  notes,  so  they  dubbed  it  "A  Lost  Speech."  I 
do  remember,  however,  that  I  declared  the  Whig  party 
dead  beyond  the  recall  of  even  Gabriel's  trumpet,  and  pro- 
claimed the  question  of  slavery  extension  the  one  supreme 
issue  of  the  day.  Therefore,  it  was  our  plain  duty  to  meet 
this  question  without  fear  of  man  and  let  the  slave  states 
know  we  are  such  lovers  of  the  Union  that  we  will  never 
leave  it  and  will  never  permit  them  to  leave  it!  We 
may  or  may  not  be  able,  I  said,  to  carry  the  presidential 
election  this  year,  but  if  we  are  beaten  we  should  at  once 
begin  our  preparations  for  the  campaign  of  i860,  by  which 
time  we  can  not  fail  of  success,  if  the  anti-slavery  senti- 


Campaign  of  1856  23 

ment  of  the  country  continues  to  increase  and  we  make 
no  serious  mistakes. 

Springfield,  June  10,  1856. —  As  I  anticipated  Pierce 
was  placed  on  the  scrap  heap  and  Buchanan  nominated 
for  President  by  the  Democratic  National  Convention  at 
Cincinnati.  The  platform  adopted  declares  the  principles 
contained  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  to  be  the  only  safe 
and  sound  solution  of  the  slavery  question  and  pledges  the 
party  to  the  application  of  these  principles  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  terrtories  and  the  admission  of  new  states  with 
or  without  slavery  as  the  people  thereof  may  elect.  All 
which  would  sound  very  plausible,  if  it  were  not  for  the 
fact  that  slavery  is  a  great  wrong,  and  that  its  extension 
would  be  a  menace  to  the  principles  of  our  free  govern- 
ment—  and  to  the  government  itself. 

A  fatal  weakness  in  the  platform,  which  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  been  seen  by  the  convention,  is  that  it  is  silent 
on  the  question  whether  the  people  of  a  territory  may  pre- 
vent the  introduction  of  slavery  in  their  midst  before  they 
secure  admission  into  the  Union,  although  the  only  con- 
clusion to  be  drawn  from  the  platform  is  that  they  have 
no  such  right  or  power.  Well  did  Senator  Hamlin,  of 
Maine,  declare  in  the  Senate  a  day  or  two  since,  "Alas, 
for  territorial  sovereignty !  It  came  to  its  death  in  the 
house  of  its  friends;  it  was  buried  by  the  same  hands  that 
gave  it  baptism !" 

A  day  or  two  since  I  wrote  to  Hon.  Elihu  B.  Wash- 
burn, of  this  state,  urging  the  nomination  of  Judge  Mc- 
Lean, of  Ohio,  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  President 
at  the  coming  Republican  convention,  but  the  tide  seems 
to  be  all  for  Colonel  Fremont,  the  famous  Pathfinder. 

Ureana,  Ills.,  June  20. —  While  attending  court  at 
this  place  I  have  received  the  news  of  Fremont's  nomina- 
tion at  Philadelphia.  Have  also  learned  that  I  received 
about  one  hundred  votes  for  Vice  President.  While  I  am 
not  insensible  to  this  honor  what  I  desire  is  a  seat  in  the 
Senate  at  the  expiration  of  Douglas'  term  and  not  the 
mere  privilege  of  presiding  over  its  deliberations.  Fre- 
mont's career  as  an  explorer  and  "pathfinder"  does  not 
PROVE  his  fitness  for  the  presidential  office,  but  I  consider 
him  a  true  anti-slavery  man.  and  I  will  find  no  difficulty  in 
supporting  him  heartily   and   conscientiously,   and   with 


24         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

whatever  capacity  I  have.  It  is  very  likely  that  if  I  had 
been  nominated  for  Vice  President,  a  great  many  people 
would  have  questioned  aiy  fitness  for  the  Presidency  in 
case  of  a  vacancy  in  the  office.  They  might  even  have 
doubted  my  ability  to  preside  over  the  United  States  Senate 
as  Vice  President  with  due  grace  and  dignity  on  account 
of  my  long  arms  and  legs  and  unhandsome  face ! 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  convention  pleases  me 
as  well  as  if  I  had  written  it  myself,  as  it  declares  that 
"since  the  constitution  gives  Congress  sovereign  power 
over  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  it  is  both  the 
right  and  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  territories 
those  twin  relics  of  barbarism,  slavery  and  polygamy." 
How  can  the  people  fail  to  indorse  this  declaration? 

Springfield,  September  i,  1856. —  Notwithstanding 
the  pro-slavery  principles  with  which  Gov.  Wilson  Shannon 
went  to  Kansas,  he  could  not  approve  all  the  schemes  of  the 
pro-slavery  party  in  that  territory,  and  has  been  compelled 
to  "throw  up  his  hands"  and  resign  his  position.  John  W. 
Geary,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  has  been  appointed  to  succeed 
him  is  said  to  be  a  man  of  character  and  ability,  and  has 
been  instructed  to  act  fairly  and  impartially  and  restore 
peace  and  order  in  the  territory ;  but  it  will  be  very  hard 
for  him  to  do  this  without  offending  the  administration, 
and  being  forced  to  make  his  choice  between  resignation 
and  removal. 

Springfield.  September  15,  1856. —  The  signal  Re- 
publican victory  in  Maine  gives  us  great  hopes  of  electing 
Fremont  in  November,  but  I  tell  our  friends  not  to  be 
over-confident,  as  the  Democratic  party  is  a  mighty  pow- 
erful corporation,  and  the  opposition  to  Buchanan  is 
divided  between  Fremont  and  Fillmore.  Also  I  fear  that  a 
good  many  pro-slavery  Whigs  will  vote  for  Buchanan  as 
the  most  certain  means  of  defeating  Fremont.  And  some 
others  who  can  not  be  fairly  called  pro-slavery  men  will 
do  the  same  thing  on  account  of  the  bugbear  of  "Abolition- 
ism," which  is  being  used  against  us  because  we  are  op- 
posing the  extension  of  slavery. 

Springfield,  September  19,  1856. —  All  that's  left  of 
our  Whig  party  met  in  convention  in  Baltimore  two  or 
three  days  ago  and  "ratified"  the  nomination  of  Fillmore 
and  Donelson.    It  is  hard  for  me  to  see  why  Fillmore  wants 


Campaign  of  1856  25 

to  make  this  race,  as  the  only  possible  result  will  be  the 
continuance  of  the  Democratic  party  in  power  for  four 
years  more.  But  it  may  be  that  he  prefers  the  election  of 
Buchanan  to  that  of  Fremont.  At  any  rate  I  predict  that 
this  will  be  the  last  Whig  convention  held  in  the  United 
States,  and  that  Fillmore  will  be  the  last  "Know  Nothing" 
candidate  for  President  or  any  other  important  office. 

Springfield,  September  25,  1856. —  It  has  always  been 
my  rule  not  to  sue  my  clients  for  legal  services,  even  when 
they  are  able  to  pay ;  but  when  the  Illinois  Central  Rail- 
road Company  refused  to  pay  my  fee  of  $2,000  for  man- 
aging its  case  in  the  suit  brought  against  it  by  the  officials 
of  McLean  county  on  the  ground  that  the  amount  was 

AS   MUCH   AS   WOULD  BE  CHARGED  BY  A  FIRST-CLASS  LAWYER, 

I  withdrew  the  bill  and  after  increasing  the  amount  to 
$5,000  recovered  the  same  in  court,  finding  no  difficulty  in 
satisfying  the  jury  that  my  services  were  worth  that  sum 
to  the  company.  But  I  don't  want  to  get  in  the  habit  of 
sueing  my  clients,  neither  am  I  anxious  to  make  myself 
rich  in  the  service  of  railroads  and  other  big  corporations. 

Springfield,  November  i,  1856. —  Only  three  days 
until  the  presidential  election.  I  have  stumped  the  state 
very  earnestly  for  Fremont  and  made  a  few  speeches  in 
Indiana  and  other  states.  The  people  everywhere  are  in- 
terested in  the  slavery  question,  but  I  can  not  feel  very 
confident  of  our  success  this  year.  If  Fremont  is  defeated 
it  will  seem  a  long  time  to  wait  for  the  campaign  of  i860; 
but  whoever  may  be  elected  president  this  year,  our  cause 
will  triumph  in  the  end  because  it  is  right  ! 

The  many  threats  of  disunion  in  case  of  Fremont's 
election  do  not  alarm  me,  even  if  they  are  made  in  earnest; 
for  whatever  choice  the  people  make  they  will  surely  main- 
tain at  any  and  every  cost. 

Springfield,  November  8,  1856. —  Am  greatly  disap- 
pointed, but  not  greatly  surprised  at  Buchanan's  election. 
Fremont  has  carried  all  the  free  states  except  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  Indiana,  Illinois  and  California,  and  while 
Buchanan  has  a  plurality  of  about  500,000  over  Fremont, 
he  falls  nearly  400,000  votes  below  the  aggregate  vote  of 
Fremont  and  Fillmore.  These  facts  give  us  the  assurance 
that  although  we  are  defeated  this  year,  our  cause  is  not 


26         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

lost.     In  the  language  of  St.  Paul,  "although  we  are  cast 
down,  we  are  not  destroyed." 

Springfield,  December  i,  1856. —  Governor  Geary 
appears  to  be  having  the  same  trouble  with  the  Missouri 
Border  Ruffiians  and  with  Pierce's  administration  that 
Reeder  and  Shannon  had.  Buchanan  pledged  himself  to 
deal  justly  and  fairly  with  all  parties  in  Kansas  and  thereby 
secured  the  votes  of  many  men  who  would  never  have 
voted  for  Pierce,  but  it  will  be  hard  for  him  to  carry  out 
such  a  policy  without  "breaking  with  his  southern  friends 
to  whom  he  owes  his  nomination  and  election.  For  what- 
ever may  be  his  wish  they  want  to  make  Kansas  a  slave 
state,  and  they  are  determined  to  do  it.  I  am  very  re- 
luctant to  pass  judgment  on  Mr.  Buchanan  before  he  takes 
his  seat  as  president,  but  my  notion  of  his  character  gives 
me  very  little  hope  that  he  will  pursue  a  different  course 
from  that  which  has  been  pursued  by  Pierce  ever  since 
the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
The  Dred  Scott  Decision. 


Springfield,  March  5,  1857. —  Like  the  inaugural  of 
his  predecessor,  Buchanan's  inaugural  address  congratu- 
lates the  country  on  the  end  of  anti-slavery  agitation,  the 
whole  question  having  been  settled  by  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  compromise,  which  act  provides  that  the  people 
of  each  territory  may  either  prohibit  or  establish  slavery 
as  they  prefer.  Concerning  the  time  at  which  the  people 
may  exercise  this  option  he  says,  "This  is  a  judicial  ques- 
tion which  legitimately  belongs  to  the  supreme  court  before 
whom  it  is  now  pending  and  will,  it  is  understood,  be 
speedily  and  finally  (?)  settled.  To  this  decision,  in  com- 
mon with  all  good  citizens,  I  shall  cheerfully  submit,  what- 
ever it  may  be." 

Evidently  Mr,  Buchanan  has  not  only  been  informed 
that  the  supreme  court  will  soon  decide  this  Dred  Scott 
case,  but  knows  what  its  decision  will  be,  else  he  would 
hardly  be  ready  to  pledge  executive  submission  to  its  terms. 
Very  clearly  our  Democratic  president  is  not  another 
Andrew  lackson. 


The  Dred   Scott  Decision  27 

Springfield,  March  8,  1857. —  As  if  to  fulfill  the 
prophecy  of  Buchanan's  inaugural,  the  Supreme  Court  on 
the  6th  inst.  rendered  its  decision,  approved  by  five  of  its 
seven  members,  declaring  that  at  the  time  of  the  adoption 
of  the  constitution  and  previous  to  that  time  the  negro  race 
were  only  recognized  as  property,  and  were  not  considered 
as  having  any  rights  that  white  men  were  bound  to  respect. 
Wherefore,  said  these  five  judges,  Dred  Scott  had  no  right 
to  bring  a  suit  for  his  freedom  in  the  courts  of  the  United 
States,  and  his  case  must  be  dismissed. 

But  after  dismissing  the  suit  for  lack  of  jurisdiction, 
the  court  proceeded  to  assume  jurisdiction  by  holding  that 
Dred  Scott  did  not  secure  any  right  to  his  freedom  by  being 
taken  into  the  free  territory  of  Minnesota,  because  the 
Missouri  compromise  which  prohibited  slavery  in  that  ter- 
ritory was  unconstitutional  and  void.  Congress  having  no 
right  under  the  constitution  to  prohibit  slavery  in  any  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States.  In  other  words  the  court 
held  that  the  constitution  itself  carried  slavery  into  all 
the  territories  of  the  United  States. 

If  Douglas  accepts  this  decision,  he  will  certainly  belie 
all  he  has  ever  claimed  for  his  boasted  doctrine  of  "popular 
sovereignty,"  and  if  this  decision  had  been  rendered  before 
the  election  of  last  fall  I  doubt  very  much  whether  Buch- 
anan would  have  carried  a  single  Northern  state. 

Springfield,  March  12,  1857. —  History  continues  to 
repeat  itself  in  Kansas.  Governor  Geary  finding  himself 
opposed,  persecuted  and  insulted,  and  his  life  endangered 
by  the  pro-slavery  party,  has  resigned  his  office  and  left 
the  territory  in  disguise. 

President  Buchanan's  special  friend,  Robert  J.  Walker, 
of  Mississippi,  has  been  appointed  his  successor,  with  the 
distinct  promise  of  Buchanan  that  the  constitution  to  be 
adopted  by  the  coming  convention  at  Lecompton,  shall  be 
submitted  to  the  people  of  the  territory  for  their  ratifica- 
tion or  rejection.  This  promise  may  have  been  made  to 
Walker  in  good  faith ;  but  if  he  is  not  sustained  by  the 
administration  in  his  determination  to  secure  a  free  and 
fair  vote  on  this  Lecompton  constitution,  he  will  surely 
follow  his  three  predecessors  into  the  "graveyard  of  Kansas 
Governors." 

Chicago,    September    24,    1857. — I    have    derived    no 


28        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

small  satisfaction  from  my  success  in  the  case  of  Hurd 
and  others  against  the  Rock  Island  Railroad  Bridge  Com- 
pany, tried  before  Justice  McLean,  in  this  city.  In  trying 
^his  case  I  not  only  maintained  that  the  Railroad  Company 
had  as  good  an  abstract  right  to  build  and  operate  a  bridge 
over  the  Mississippi  river  as  the  owners  of  steamboats 
have  to  run  their  crafts  up  and  down  its  channels,  but  I 
realized  that  I  was  rendering  a  public  service  in  maintain- 
ing that  travel  between  the  East  and  the  West  should  be 
considered  as  vital  and  important  as  between  the  North 
and  the  South,  especially  so  in  view  of  the  increase  in 
wealth  and  population  which  the  West  has  shown  during 
the  past  few  years.  The  practice  of  law  would  be  much 
more  agreeable  and  satisfactory  to  me  if  I  could  see  that 
I  was  serving  the  public  in  every  case  that  I  represent  in 
the  courts ! 


CHAPTER  VII. 
The  Lecompton  Constitution. 

Springfield,  October  20,  1857. —  The  delegates  to 
the  Kansas  constitutional  convention  who  were  elected  by 
the  pro-slavery  party  last  June  assembled  in  Lecompton 
yesterday  and  organized  by  choosing  John  Calhoun,  under 
whom  I  once  served  as  surveyor  of  Sangamon  county,  for 
their  presiding  officer. 

Springfield,  November  20,  1857. —  In  the  short  space 
of  three  weeks  the  Lecompton  convention  framed  and 
adopted  a  constitution  for  the  state  of  Kansas — perhaps  it 
would  be  more  correct  to  say  they  copied  one  inspired  and 
framed  at  Washington — and  adjourned.  But  instead  of 
submitting  it  to  a  vote  of  the  people  in  accordance  with 
the  pledges  of  the  administration,  the  people  are  only  al- 
lowed to  vote  for  the  "Constitution  with  Slavery,"  or  for 
the  "Constitution  without  Slavery."  And  even  if  a  ma- 
jority of  the  people  should  vote  for  the  "Constitution  with- 
out Slavery,"  they  must  submit  to  all  the  other  odious 
provisions  in  which  the  constitution  abounds,  such  as  the 
article  providing  that  the  right  of  property  in  slaves  now 
in  the  territory  shall  not  be  interfered  with,  and  the  article 
providing  that  no  amendments  shall  be  made  to  the  con- 


The  Lecompton  Constitution  29 

stitution  before  the  expiration  of  seven  years.  And  as  if 
to  secure  a  majority  vote  for  the  "Constitution  with 
Slavery,"  Calhoun  has  been  given  full  power  to  establish 
the  election  precincts,  to  appoint  the  election  judges,  and 
to  canvass  the  returns  and  declare  the  results  of  the  election 
which  is  to  be  held  on  the  21st  of  December  next. 

Springfield,  December  15,  1857.  —  Finding  himself 
wholly  unsupported  by  the  Administration  in  his  efforts 
to  secure  an  honest  election  in  Kansas,  Governor  Walker 
has  resigned  his  office  and  joined  the  procession  of  retiring 
Kansas  governors.  Acting  Governor  Stanton  has  called  an 
extra  session  of  the  Free  State  Legislature,  elected  in 
October,  to  devise  ways  and  means  to  prevent  the  forcing 
of  the  Lecompton  Constitution  on  the  people  of  Kansas. 
It  will  not  be  long,  I  predict,  until  Stanton,  too,  will  go 
the  way  of  his  four  predecessors  either  by  resignation  or 
removal.  Very  truly  did  Senator  Seward,  of  New  York, 
declare  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate  the  other  day :  "The 
ghosts  on  the  banks  of  the  Styx  constitute  a  cloud  scarcely 
more  dense  than  the  spirits  of  the  departed  governors  of 
Kansas,  wandering  in  exile  and  sorrow  for  having  certi- 
fied the  truth  against  falsehood  in  regard  to  the  contest 
between  freedom  and  slavery  in  Kansas." 

Springfield,  January  15,  1858. —  John  Calhoun  has 
as  last  counted  the  vote  on  the  Lecompton  Constitution 
as  cast  on  the  21st  of  last  December  and  announced  the 
result :  For  the  "Constitution  with  Slavery,"  6.266  votes ; 
for  the  "Constitution  without  Slavery,"  567  votes.  The 
Free  State  men  generally  refrained  from  voting  on  the 
ground  that  the  Lecompton  convention  and  the  legislature 
which  authorized  it  were  both  illegal  bodies. 

But  at  the  election  held  on  the  4th  of  this  month, 
which  was  ordered  by  the  Legislature  elected  last  October, 
a  majority  of  over  10,000  votes  was  cast  against  the  con- 
stitution itself.  And  yet  we  may  expect  that  the  whole 
power  of  the  Administration  will  be  exercised  to  defeat 
this  manifest  will  of  the  people  and  secure  the  admission 
of  Kansas  into  the  union  as  a  slave  state. 

Springfield,  January  16,  1858. —  Douglas  appears  to 
have  placed  himself  in  complete  opposition  to  the  Admin- 
istration on  the  Lecompton  issue.  He  is  reported  to  have 
had   a   recent   "stormy   interview"   with   Buchanan   in   the 


80        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

White  House,  during  which  the  latter  cautioned  him  to 
beware  of  the  fate  which  overtook  certain  men  who 
quarreled  with  the  administration  of  General  Jackson. 
"Let  me  remind  you,  Mr.  President,"  Douglas  is  said  to 
have  replied,  "that  General  Jackson  is  dead !" 

Springfield,  February  3,  1858. —  President  Buchanan 
sent  a  special  message  to  Congress  yesterday  urging  the 
immediate  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  slave  state  under  the 
Lecompton  constitution,  in  which  he  had  the  hardihood  to 
declare  that  "Kansas  is  at  this  moment  as  much  a  slave 
state  as  Georgia  or  South  Carolina." 

And  all  this  in  face  of  the  10,000  majority  which  was 
given  against  this  constitution  on  the  4th  of  January  and 
in  spite  of  the  indignation  which  his  Lecompton  policy  has 
aroused  in  all  the  northern  states.  I  wonder  if  Mr.  Buch- 
anan has  ever  asked  himself  what  the  verdict  of  history 
will  be  concerning  his  devotion  to  the  slave  power  and  the 
bad  faith  he  has  practiced  toward  the  people  of  Kansas. 

Springfield,  March  24,  1858. —  After  a  fierce  debate 
of  several  days  the  United  States  Senate  yesterday  passed 
the  bill  admitting  Kansas  into  the  Union  under  the  Le- 
compton constitution  by  a  vote  of  32  to  25,  three  Demo- 
crats, Douglas,  of  Illinois,  Stuart,  of  Michigan,  and 
Broderick,  of  California,  voting  with  the  Republicans  in 
the  negative.  In  the  course  of  this  debate  Senator  Ham- 
mond, of  South  Carolina,  made  a  lengthy  speech  in  which 
he  represented  the  negro  slaves  as  the  "mudsills"  on  which 
Southern  society  rested  and  the  free  laborers  of  the  North 
as  the  mudsills  of  Northern  society.  Such  are  the  senti- 
ments which  slavery  breeds. 

In  view  of  the  Kansas  policy  of  the  Administration 
how  weak  and  ludicrous  seems  the  demand  from  many 
quarters  that  all  anti-slavery  agitation  should  cease  be- 
cause slavery  is  only  a  "domestic  institution"  of  the  South. 

Springfield,  April  i,  1858. —  Ever  since  Douglas 
came  out  against  the  Lecompton  policy  of  the  Administra- 
tion he  has  been  coquetting  with  certain  Republican  leaders 
in  Washington  with  a  view  of  securing  their  sympathy  and 
support  in  his  canvass  for  re-election  to  the  Senate  in 
Illinois  this  year.  And  I  really  fear  that  he  is  charming 
some  of  them  away  from  their  allegiance  to  the  funda- 
mental   principles    of    our    party,    notwithstanding   his    re- 


The  Lecompton  Constitntion  31 

peated  declarations  that  he  does  not  care  whether  slavery 
is  voted  up  or  down  in  Kansas ;  hence  I  fear  that  in  the 
canvass  I  expect  to  make  against  him,  I  may  not  have  the 
support  of  many  Republicans  who  I  think  ought  to  support 
me.  But  I  will  make  the  canvass  at  all  events,  and  if  I 
accomplish  nothing  more,  I  feel  confident  I  can  show  the 
people  that  Douglas  can  never  be  trusted  as  a  leader  of 
our  anti-slavery  forces — and  that  he  should  never  be 

ELECTED  PrESHIENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  ! 

Springfield,  April  2,  1858.  —  The  lower  house  of 
Congress  yesterday  disposed  of  the  bill  for  admitting  Kan- 
sas into  the  Union  under  the  Lecompton  constitution  by 
adopting  a  substitute  referring  the  whole  question  to  the 
people  of  the  territory  under  conditions  that  would  secure 
a  free  and  fair  election.  But  as  such  an  election  is  not 
what  the  friends  of  slavery  desire,  this  substitute  will 
hardly  be  accepted  by  the  Senate.  Although  the  Lecomp- 
ton constitution  is  dead,  the  fact  that  this  substitute  re- 
ceived a  majority  of  only  eight  votes,  makes  me  almost 
shudder  to  think  by  what  a  narrow  margin  Kansas  has 
been  saved  from  the  curse  of  slavery  forever  and  aye! 

Springfield,  April  25,  1858. —  Herndon  has  returned 
from  the  East  and  does  not  bring  a  very  rosy  account  of 
Republican  sentiment  there  in  reference  to  my  candidacy 
for  the  Senate,  as  so  many  prominent  Republicans  are  in- 
clined to  reward  Douglas  for  his  opposition  to  Lecompton 
and  secure  his  support — vain  hope ! — in  our  further  opposi- 
tion to  the  extension  of  slavery.  But  I  am  happy  to  know 
that  there  is  no  such  a  sentiment  among  the  Republicans 
of  Illinois,  and  therefore  I  shall  enter  on  the  canvass  with 
a  good  deal  of  hope  and  confidence,  notwithstanding  Doug- 
las' popularity  and  plausibility  and  his  facility  in  logic — I 
mean  in  his  kind  of  logic. 

Springfield,  May  i,  1858. —  Instead  of  standing  by 
its  vote  for  referring  the  Lecompton  constitution  back  to 
the  people  of  Kansas,  the  House  of  Representatives  on 
yesterday  adopted  the  "English  bill,"  which  provides  for 
a  vote  on  the  constitution  and  ofifers  the  state  a  large  grant 
of  public  lands  if  it  is  adopted.  But  in  case  this  bribe — 
for  bribe  it  is  —  is  rejected,  Kansas  is  to  be  punished  by 
keeping  her  out  of  the  Union  until  she  has  the  number 
of  inhabitants  required  for  a  congressional  representative 


32        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

in  the  various  states,  some  ninety  thousand.  Was  ever 
such  a  monstrosity  submitted  to  the  votes  of  free  people? 
Springfield,  June  i,  1858. —  As  the  time  approaches 
for  our  state  convention,  which  I  except  will  declare  me 
its  choice  for  United  States  Senator,  I  realize  more  clearly 
what  I  have  long  thought,  that  this  union  of  free  states 
and  slave  states  in  one  government  can  not  permanently 
continue,  and  that  slavery  will  either  be  extended  over  all 
the  states  and  territories  or  they  will  all  be  free.  And  I 
want  the  people  to  understand  me  at  the  start,  so  that  I 
can  impress  on  their  minds  the  serious  nature  of  our  con- 
test with  Douglas  and  the  Democratic  party.  I  have  never 
counted  myself  worthy  of  a  place  among  the  prophets  of 
Israel ;  but  in  this  case  I  feel  that  the  Almighty  has  given 
me  a  message  that  I  must  deliver  to  the  people,  whether 
they  will  hear  or  forbear. 

I  have  already  commenced  the  preparation  of  the  speech 
I  expect  to  deliver  before  the  convention  and  have  sub- 
mitted the  opening  paragraph  to  a  number  of  my  friends. 
In  this  paragraph  I  quote  the  Scriptural  text,  "A  house  di- 
vided against  itself  can  not  stand,"  and  then  proceed  to 
express  my  opinion  that  "this  government  of  ours  can  not 
permanently  endure,  half  slave  and  half  free."  All  of  them 
except  Herndon  (who  avows  that  this  declaration  will 
make  me  President  before  I  die)  advise  against  such  a 
radical  position,  as  they  fear  I  will  be  charged  with 
"Abolitionism ;"  but  I  tell  them  all  that  much  as  I  desire 
a  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate  I  desire  far  more  to 
make  an  effective  campaign  against  the  extension  of  slavery 
and  to  contribute  in  some  measure  to  the  election  of  a 
Republican  President  in  i860.  I  also  hope  in  my  address 
to  convince  the  people  that  whatever  good  Douglas  has 
done  —  and  I  must  concede  that  if  he  had  not  opposed  the 
Administration.  Kansas  would  now  be  one  of  the  slave 
states  in  this  Republic  —  he  can  not  be  depended  on  to 
help  our  cause  in  the  future,  as  he  declares  himself  wholly 
indifferent  on  the  supreme  issue  of  slavery  extension.  If 
maintaining  these  views  does  not  make  me  Senator  I  do 
not  want  to  be  a  Senator;  for  I  could  never  enjoy  a  seat 
in  the  Senate  at  the  price  of  suppressing  my  views  on  this 
great  question.  In  the  days  of  my  boyhood  scarcely  any- 
thing vexed  me  more  than  to  hear  people  talk  about  things 


The  Lecompton  Constitution  33 

that  1  could  not  clearly  understand ;  and  in  my  practice  at 
the  bar  I  have  always  taken  pains  to  make  courts  and 
juries  and  witnesses  understand  the  force  and  meaning  of 
whatever  I  had  to  say,  as  well  as  to  believe  that  I  meant 
what  I  said.  Still  more  in  this  canvass  against  the  exten- 
sion of  slavery  do  I  want  the  people  not  only  to  believe 
that  I  mean  what  I  say,  but  to  understand  my  position  and 
also  my  feelings  and  sentiments. 

Springfield,  June  17,  1858. —  At  the  Republican 
state  convention  to-day  a  resolution  was  unanimously 
adopted  declaring  that  "Abraham  Lincoln  is  the  first  and 
only  choice  of  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  for  United  States 
Senator  as  the  successor  of  Steven  A.  Douglas." 

At  the  evening  session  of  the  convention  I  delivered 
the  address  I  had  previously  prepared  to  which  they  listened 
with  as  close  attention  as  if  they  considered  me  an  inspired 
oracle.  And  when  at  the  close  I  declared  that  the  result 
of  our  contest  is  not  doubtful  and  that  if  we  stand  firm  in 
our  faith,  sooner  or  later  victory  is  sure  to  come,  the 
faces  of  all  the  delegates  and  spectators  seemed  to  say  to 
me.  "Lincoln,  we  believe  you — we  all  believe  you !" 

Chicago,  July  10,  1858.  —  I  made  a  rather  lengthy 
speech  in  this  city  to-night,  in  reply  to  one  made  by  Doug- 
las last  night,  in  which  I  took  especial  pains  to  repel  his 
charge  that  I  was  "resisting"  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  On 
the  contrary,  I  declared,  and  I  hope  I  made  clear  the  fact 
that  I  only  refused  to  make  that  decision  my  rule  of  political 
action.  I  did  avow,  however,  that  we  Republicans  not  only 
hoped  to  see  that  decision  reversed,  but  we  mean  to  re- 
verse IT  ! 

In  reference  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  I 
claimed  that  its  principles  of  equality  should  ever  be  our 
ideal  and  standard,  even  if  we  could  not  carry  that  prin- 
ciple into  full  effect,  even  as  we  should  ever  obey  the 
Scripture  injunction  to  be  perfect  as  our  Father  in  heaven 
is  perfect,  although  as  finite  beings  we  cannot  hope  to  at- 
tain complete  moral  perfection  any  more  than  we  can  hope 
for  complete  physical  or  mental  perfection. 

Springfield,  July  30,  1858. —  Douglas  has  accepted 
my  challenge  —  none  too  willingly,  as  I  believe  —  to  a  joint 
discussion  of  the  issues  in  the  campaign  before  the  people 
3 


34        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

of  the  state.  He  proposes  that  we  hold  one  debate  in  each 
of  the  seven  congressional  districts  of  the  state  in  which 
we  have  not  already  spoken,  namely,  at  Ottowa,  August  21 ; 
at  Freeport,  August  27;  at  Jonesboro,  September  15;  at 
Charleston,  September  18;  at  Galesburg,  October  7;  at 
Ouincy,  October  13;  at  Alton,  October  15.  I  have  accord- 
ingly written  him  a  note  accepting  his  "terms"  without  ask- 
ing any  modification  of  them. 

Springfield,  August  5,  1858. —  The  people  of  Kan- 
sas have  again  placed  their  seal  of  condemnation — shall  I 
say  their  seal  of  damnation? — on  the  Lecompton  constitu- 
tion, voting  it  down  for  a  second  time  by  over  ten  thousand 
majority  and  most  emphatically  rejecting  the  English  bribe. 
For  which  action  I  presume  Kansas  will  have  to  remain 
a  territory  during  the  pleasure  of  the  present  Congress. 


CHAPTER  Vni. 
The  "Freeport  Heresy." 


Springfield,  August  6,  1858. —  Some  of  my  friends, 
well  knowing  Judge  Douglas'  facility  in  debate  and  the 
many  shirks  and  quirks  to  which  he  resorts  in  order  to 
carry  the  crowd  with  him,  have  expressed  to  me  their  ap- 
prehensions in  reference  to  my  success  in  coping  with  him 
before  the  great  crowds  who  will  want  to  hear  us.  To  all 
such  I  have  generally  replied  by  quoting  from  Shakespeare : 

"Thrice  armed  is  he  who  knows  his  cause  is  just." 

And  to  one  of  my  particular  friends  whom  I  met  on 
the  street  to-day  I  replied  by  reminding  him  that  when  two 
m.en  are  about  to  fight  each  other,  it  is  not  the  fellow  who 
brags  and  blufifs  and  blusters  and  jumps  in  the  air  and 
cracks  his  heels  together  and  wastes  his  breath  in  tr^dng 
to  scare  his  opponent  who  is  going  to  whip,  but  rather  the 
one  who  says  not  a  word  and  keeps  his  fists  doubled  up 
and  his  teeth  closed  together  and  saves  his  breath  for  the 
contest.  This  fellow,  I  said,  will  either  win  the  fight  or 
die  a-trying. 

Ottawa,  Ills.,  August  21. —  My  first  debate  with 
Douglas  took  place  here  to-day  before  a  very  large  audience 
of  both  Republicans  and  Democrats.  I  expected  that  be- 
tween us  we  would  draw  a  large  crowd,  but  I  was  greatly 


The  "  Freeport  Heresy"  85 

surprised  to  see  so  many  people  from  both  this  and  ad- 
joining counties.  As  I  expected,  Douglas  quoted  from  my 
address  before  the  State  Convention  to  prove  me  an 
Abolitionist  and  a  believer  in  Negro  equality,  to  which  I 
replied  in  very  explicit  terms  that  I  did  not  propose  any 
interference  with  the  institution  of  slavery  where  it  now 
exists,  and  that  I  did  not  favor  the  social  and  political 
equality  of  the  black  and  white  races,  and  I  took  occasion 
to  remark  that  by  his  (Douglas')  method  of  argument  and 
cunning  use  of  words  on  this  and  other  points  any  one 
could  easily  prove  that  a  horse-chestnut  is  a  chestnut-horse. 

He  propounded  a  number  of  questions  to  me  concern- 
ing my  position  on  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law,  the 
admission  of  any  more  slave  states  and  some  other  points, 
my  only  reply  at  the  time  being  that  I  would  not  permit 
him  to  chatechise  me  unless  he  would  let  me  catechise  him; 
but  I  have  already  framed  my  replies  and  also  a  few  ques- 
tions which  I  will  propound  to  him  at  Freeport,  where  we 
are  to  have  our  next  debate,  the  most  important  of  which 
will  be  this,  "Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  territory 
in  any  lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  prior  to 
the  adoption  of  a  state  constitution?"  When  he  hears  this 
question  from  me  I  feel  certain  he  will  see  that  asking 
questions  is  a  game  that  two  can  play  at. 

My  object  in  this  query  is  to  compel  Douglas  to  define 
himself  in  explicit  terms  on  the  Dred  Scott  decision  and  to 
show  the  people  by  his  answer  that  it  can  not  be  reconciled 
with  his  popular  sovereignty  doctrine.  If  he  answers  that 
the  people  have  no  such  right,  he  will  lose  a  large  portion 
of  his  following  in  Illinois  and  the  other  northern  states,  and 
if  he  answers  that  they  have  such  a  right,  or  even  fails  to 
deny  that  they  have,  he  will  forfeit  all  hope  of  Southern 
support  in  his  canvass  for  the  Presidency.  Several  of  my 
friends  advise  me  not  to  put  this  question  to  Douglas, 
claiming  that  he  will  be  skillful  and  adroit  enough  to  answer 
it  in  such  a  manner  as  to  retain  his  hold  on  the  people  of 
Illinois  and  secure  his  re-election  to  the  Senate,  but  I  have 
told  them  I  am  more  anxious  to  destroy  his  chances  for  the 
Presidency  and  prepare  the  way  for  Republican  success  in 
i860  than  I  am  to  gain  the  seat  in  the  Senate  to  which  I 
have  so  long  aspired  but  never  attained.     In  reference  to 


36        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


my  desire  to  go  to  the  Senate  I  likened  myself  to  the  honest 
Hoosier  who  reckoned  there  was  no  man  in  Indiana  fonder 
of  gingerbread  than  he  was  and  got  less  of  it. 

Freeport,  Ills.,  August  27,  1858.— After  answering 
the  queries  put  to  me  by  Douglas  at  Ottawa,  I  propounded 
mine  to  him  at  this  place  today.  In  reply  to  my  question 
concerning  the  right  of  the  people  of  any  territory  to 
exclude  the  institution  of  slavery  from  their  limits  before 
the  formation  of  a  state  constitution,  he  answered  with  the 
strange  assertion,  that  even  if  the  Supreme  Court  should 
decide  that  the  Constitution  carries  slavery  into  the  terri- 
tories, the  people  of  any  territory  may  prevent  its  intro- 
duction by  "unfriendly  legislation,"  which  is  equivalent  to 
saying  that  the  people  of  a  territory  have  the  constitutional 
right  to  prohibit  the  existence  of  an  institution  where  it 
has  a  constitutional  right  to  exist!  And  still  Douglas  pro- 
fesses the  highest  respect  for  the  courts  and  the  constitution. 
It  requires  no  gift  of  prophecy  to  tell  how  this  answer  of 
Douglas  will  be  received  in  the  Southern  states.  In  all  the 
rest  of  our  debates  I  will  have  him  on  the  defensive ;  and 
even  if  he  defeats  me  for  Senator,  so  far  as  the  Presidency 
is  concerned,  he  is  a  doomed  man  from  this  day  forth ! 

Springfield,  September  6,  1858.  —  There  is  no  mis- 
taking the  temper  of  the  South  in  reference  to  Douglas' 
position  concerning  the  right  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  terri- 
tory to  exclude  slavery  from  their  hmits  by  "unfriendly 
legislation."  The  Southen  press  almost  without  exception 
brand  it  as  the  "Freeport  heresy"  and  declare  that  in  no 
case  will  the  South  support  Douglas  for  President  in  i860. 
They  even  charge  him  with  bad  faith  in  repudiating  his 
caucus  agreement  to  accept  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  on  this  question  as  a  finality.  Douglas'  answer  to 
my  query  has  also  revealed  the  fact  more  clearly  to  the 
Northern  people  that  the  Dred  Scott  decision  which 
he  claims  to  support  and  denounces  me  for  opposing, 
effectually  disposes  of  his  boasted  "popular  sovereignty." 
as  the  two  are  wholly  irreconcilable.  Hence  what- 
ever efforts  he  may  make  to  reconcile  the  dictum  of 
the  Supreme  Court  with  his  boasted  doctrine,  he  \yill  only 
flounder  in  the  mire  of  inconsistency  and  contradiction,  and 
will  find  the  Presidency  the  farther  removed  from  his  eyes 
the  more  he  strives  to  reach  it ! 


The  "Freeport  Heresy"  37 

Alton,  Ills.,  October  15,  1858. —  The  last  of  our  seven 
debates  occurred  here  to-day,  and  although  our  arguments 
were  to  some  extent  a  repetition  of  those  used  in  the  pre- 
vious debates,  I  was  so  possessed  with  a  sense  of  the  serious 
issue  we  were  discussing  that  I  waxed  very  warm,  if  not 
very  eloquent,  in  my  speech  of  an  hour  and  a  half ;  and  I 
almost  flattered  myself  that  I  made  some  of  Douglas'  sup- 
porters realize  the  inconsistency  and  absurdity  of  his 
answer  to  my  query  concerning  the  right  of  the  people  of 
a  territory  to  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  before  they 
form  a  state  constitution.  In  these  debates  with  Douglas 
as  well  as  in  my  other  speeches  this  year,  I  have  almost 
fancied  that  I  could  hear  an  echo  of  approval  not  only  from 
all  parts  of  Illinois  but  from  all  the  other  northern  states ; 
and  several  nights  during  the  campaign  I  have  dreamed  that 
I  saw  my  mother  standing  beside  my  bed  and  heard  her 
say  to  me :  "Abe,  you  are  doing  well,  you  are  doing  well !" 
Whether  I  gain  the  Senatorship  or  not,  I  really  believe  I 
have  made  some  marks  that  will  tell  for  the  cause  of  free- 
dom after  I  am  dead. 

Bloomington,  Nov.  i,  1858.  —  While  attending  court 
here  to-day,  I  was  met  on  the  street  by  a  special  friend 
who  told  me  that  during  his  recent  travels  in  the  East  as 
well  as  in  Ohio,  Michigan  and  Indiana  he  was  everywhere 
met  with  the  inquiry,  "Who  is  this  Lincoln  that  is  holding 
those  debates  with  Douglas  in  Illinois?"  and  that  he  had 
told  them  all  we  had  two  giants  in  Illinois,  Douglas  being 
the  "little  giant"  and  Lincoln  the  big  one.  Then  he  urged  me 
to  become  a  candidate  for  President,  but  I  promptly  replied 
that  there  was  no  such  luck  as  the  Presidency  in  store  for 
me,  and  that  it  would  be  no  use  to  seek  the  Republican 
nomination  against  Seward  and  Chase  and  other  men  so 
much  better  known  that  I  am.  And  yet  I  can  not  get  rid  of 
the  feeling  that  in  this  great  conflict  against  slavery  I  will 
have  some  very  important  part  to  play.  God  only  knows 
what  it  will  be. 

Springfield,  November  2,  1858. —  "Long  John  Went- 
worth's"  paper,  the  Chicago  Democrat,  has  published  an 
editorial  speaking  in  very  complimentary  terms  of  my 
speeches  in  this  campaign  and  urging  my  nomination  for 
President   in   i860;  but  as   I  don't  think  I  could  possibly 


38        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

secure  the  nomination  for  President,  I  apprehend  no  ser- 
ious results  from  Long  John's  mention  of  my  name. 

But  I  must  confess  that  I  feel  greatly  pleased  with 
what  he  says  of  my  speeches.  "They  will  be  recognized," 
his  editorial  declares,  "for  a  long  time  to  come  as  a  standard 
authority  on  those  topics  which  overshadow  all  others  in 
the  political  world  of  our  day ;  and  our  children  will  appre- 
ciate the  great  truths  which  they  so  forcibly  illustrate  with 
a  higher  appreciation  of  their  worth  than  their  fathers 
possessed  while  listening  to  them."  If  this  generous  pre- 
diction should  be  even  partially  fulfilled,  what  more  could 
I  ask  or  desire? 

Springfield,  Ills.,  November  lo,  1858. —  Our  election 
is  over;  and  on  account  of  the  unfair  legislative  apportion- 
ment and  the  Democratic  "holdovers"  in  the  State  Senate, 
Douglas  will  have  a  majority  of  eight  over  me  in  the  Legis- 
lature, although  we  have  elected  our  State  ticket  and  there 
is  a  majority  of  some  4,000  of  the  popular  vote  for  legis- 
lative candidates  in  my  favor.  As  I  have  expressed  myself 
to  my  friends,  "my  defeat  hurts  too  bad  to  laugh,  and  I  am 
too  big  to  cry,"  but  although  I  may  sink  out  of  view  and  be 
forgotten,  the  fight  against  slavery  extension  will  go  on 
until  victory  is  secured.  My  4,000  majority  of  the  popular 
vote  gives  me  pretty  positive  assurance  that  my  canvass 
has  made  Illinois  a  Republican  state,  and  that  its  electoral 
vote  will  be  cast  for  the  Republican  candidate  for  President 
in  i860,  whoever  he  may  be. 

Springfield,  November  19,  1858. —  I  have  just  written 
a  letter  to  a  special  friend  in  the  southern  part  of  the  state, 
stating  that  the  fight  against  slavery  extension  must  go  on 
and  must  not  be  given  up  even  at  the  end  of  a  hundred 
defeats.  Douglas'  cunning  and  ingenuity  secured  for  him 
the  support  of  those  who  wanted  to  uphold  the  slave  inter- 
est and  of  some  who  wanted  to  break  it  down ;  but  these 
antagonistic  elements  can  not  be  kept  in  harmony  much 
longer — another  explosion  will  soon  come,  God  only  knows 
how  soon. 

Springfield,  December  i,  1858. —  In  addition  to  the 
fact  that  a  majority  of  Illinois  voters  have  expressed  their 
preference  for  me  over  Douglas  for  United  States  Senator, 
it  gives  me  great  satisfaction  to  know  that  my  speeches 
during  the  campaign  have  secured  so  much  attention  from 


The  Irrepressible  Conflict  "  39 


other  states.  I  am  simply  overloaded  with  congratulations 
and  invitations  to  lecture  and  speak  in  other  states  that  have 
elections  in  1859.  It  is  hard  for  me  to  decline  so  many 
invitations,  but  I  have  lost  so  much  time  from  my  legal 
practice  that  I  must  return  to  it  for  the  support  of  my 
family  and  the  repairing  of  my  finances. 

Springfield,  December  10,  1858. —  Douglas  has  lost 
his  hold  on  the  South  by  his  opposition  to  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  and  his  "Freeport  heresy"  as  surely  as  he  lost 
his  hold  on  the  North  by  his  Nebraska  bill  and  his  support 
of  the  Dred  Scott  decision;  for  the  Democratic  Senatorial 
caucus  has  deposed  him  from  his  position  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  territories  and  seem  determined  to  read 
him  out  of  the  party  altogether.  All  in  vain,  therefore, 
will  be  his  present  trip  to  the  South  and  his  efforts  to  re- 
cover his  lost  prestige.  His  speeches  in  favor  of  the  an- 
nexation of  Cuba  and  part  of  Mexico  savor  very  strongly 
of  a  positive  interest  in  the  extension  of  slavery  —  but  the 
South  WILL  HAVE  NONE  OF  HIM,  as  he  will  surely  find  to 
be  the  case  when  the  next  national  Democratic  Convention 
is  held. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

"The  Irrepressible  Conflict." 

Springfield,  December  2,  1858. —  I  have  been  very 
much  interested  in  reading  Senator  Seward's  recent  speech 
at  Rochester,  New  York,  in  which  he  declared  that  the 
antagonism  between  free  labor  and  slave  labor  lis  "an 
irrepressible  conflict  between  opposing  and  enduring 
forces/'  and  that  "the  United  States  will  sooner  or  later 
become  an  entirely  free  nation  or  an  entirely  slave  nation. 
"Either  the  cotton  and  rice  fields  of  South  Carolina  and 
the  sugar  plantations  of  Louisiana,"  he  prophesies,  "will 
ultimately  be  tilled  by  free  labor,  and  Charleston  and  New 
Orleans  become  marts  for  legitimate  merchandise  alone, 
or  else  the  rye-fields  and  wheat  fields  of  Massachusetts  and 
New  York  must  be  surrendered  by  their  farmers  to  slave 
culture  and  the  production  of  slaves,  and  Boston  and  New 
York  become  once  more  markets  for  trade  in  the  bodies 
and  souls  of  men."  This  declaration  (which  I  can  not  but 
note  is  substantially  the  same  that  I  expressed  in  my  Spring- 


40        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

field  address  when  I  declared  that  this  government  could 
not  permanently  endure  half  slave  and  half  free)  I  con- 
sider as  true  a  prophecy  as  any  to  be  found  in  Holy  Writ, 
although  I  do  not  expect  to  see  its  fulfillment  in  my  own 
time.  But  who  can  tell  what  the  remaining  years  of  my 
life  may  bring  forth? 

Springfield,  April  6,  1859. —  I  have  been  favored 
with  an  invitation  to  give  an  address  at  a  festival  in  Boston 
in  honor  of  Jefiferson's  birthday,  which  I  have  had  to 
decline  on  account  of  professional  engagements.  In  my 
letter  of  declination  I  have  recalled  the  story  of  two 
drunken  men  who  fought  each  other  until  the  contest  ended 
with  no  other  result  than  that  each  one  had  fought  himself 
out  of  his  own  coat  and  into  that  of  the  other  fellow !  This 
result  I  likened  to  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  party,  al- 
though claiming  to  be  the  party  of  Jeft'erson,  has  forsaken 
his  principles — which  are  the  definitions  and  axioms 
OF  FREE  SOCIETY — and  holds  that  the  liberty  of  one  man  is 
as  nothing  in  comparison  with  another  man's  rights  of 
property,  while  we  Republicans  are  for  both  the  man  and 
the  dollar,  but  in  case  of  conflict,  we  are  now,  and  I  trust 
always  will  be,  for  the  man  before  the  dollar. 

Columbus,  Ohio,  September  16,  1859. —  The  invita- 
tion to  speak  in  this  city  in  behalf  of  the  Republican  state 
ticket  was  so  gracious  and  urgent  that  I  could  not  refuse 
it.  I  devoted  most  of  my  time  to  answering  Douglas' 
recent  article  on  "Popular  Sovereignty"  in  Harper's  Maga- 
zine. In  the  course  of  my  remarks  I  asserted  that  this 
doctrine  simply  means  that  if  one  man  wants  to  make  a 
slave  of  another  man,  neither  that  other  man  nor  any  one 
else  has  a  right  to  object.  This  seemed  like  a  new  definition 
to  most  of  the  audience ;  but  it  was  very  plain  to  me  that 
they  appreciated  the  pith  and  point  of  my  statement. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  September  17,  1859. —  From  Co- 
lumbus to  this  city  I  came  today  and  gave  an  address  to- 
night. As  Douglas  has  accused  me  of  "shooting  over  the 
line"  and  attacking  the  institution  of  slavery  where  it  now 
exists,  in  part  of  my  speech  I  assumed  that  T  was  addressing 
Kentuckians  across  the  Ohio  river.  To  this  imaginary 
audience  I  declared  that  slavery  is  wrong,  morally,  socially 
and  politically,  and  that  while  we  had  no  desire  to  interfere 
with  it  where  it  now  exists,  we  were  determined  to  resist 


Campaign  of  i860  41 

its  extension  into  the  territories  by  either  Congress  or  the 
courts;  for  the  people,  I  maintained,  are  the  masters  of 
both  Congress  and  the  courts,  not  for  the  purpose  of  over- 
throwing the  Constitution,  but  to  overthrow  the  men  who 
miscontrue  and  pervert  the  Constitution.  My  visit  to  Ohio 
has  given  me  great  pleasure  and  increased  my  confidence 
in  Republican  success  in  next  year's  campaign.  I  was  par- 
ticularly gratified  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  Governor 
Chase,  for  I  consider  him,  as  his  looks  indicate,  an  exceed- 
ingly  able   man,   and   one   capable  of   rendering   great 

SERVICE   TO    HIS   COUNTRY   IN   ANY   EMERGENCY.      I   COUld   ask 

no  clearer  proof  that  my  debates  with  Douglas  have  been  a 
great  service  to  the  anti-slavery  cause  than  the  fact  that 
the  Ohio  Committee  have  asked  me  to  furnish  a  complete 
report  of  the  same,  wdiich  they  desire  to  print  and  circulate 
in  aid  of  the  Presidential  ticket  next  year.  I  very  cheer- 
fully promised  compliance  with  this  request. 

Milwaukee,  Wis.,  September  30,  1859. —  I  gave  an 
address  before  the  State  Agricultural  Society  of  this  place 
to-day,  in  which  I  urged  that  efforts  should  be  made  to 
increase  the  productivity  of  the  soil  by  more  scientific  culti- 
vation, declaring  that  under  the  system  of  free  labor  educa- 
tion and  industry  should  ever  go  hand  in  hand  in  develop- 
ing our  resources,  and  closed  wath  the  hope  "that  by  the 
wisest  and  best  cultivation  of  the  physical  world  around  us 
and  THE  MORAL  WORLD  WITHIN  US,  we  shall  secure  an 
individual,  social  and  political  prosperity  and  happiness, 
which  shall  be  onward  and  upward,  and  which,  while  the 
earth  endures  shall  not  pass  away." 


CHAPTER  X. 

Campaign  of  i860. — "The  End  of  the  Power  of  Slavery 
IN  THE  United  States." 

Springfield,  January  i,  i860. —  Notwithstanding  all 
my  protests  that  I  am  not  a  proper  candidate  for  President, 
and  that  I  could  not  hope  to  obtain  the  nomination  a  con- 
siderable number  of  Illinois  Republicans  met  here  in  Spring- 
field and  formally  requested  me  to  enter  the  lists ;  and  I 
have  finally  got  it  into  my  head  that  I  would  like  to  be 
President  myself  just  as  I  got  it  into  my  head  in  1854 
that  I  wanted  to  be  a  United  States  Senator,  and  haven't 


42        Supposed  Diary  of  President   Lincoln 

got  it  out  of  my  head  for  a  single  day  since!  So  I  have 
acceded  to  the  request  of  my  friends  and,  at  their  request, 
have  furnished  them  the  following  brief  sketch  of  my  life 
for  circulation  that  the  people  may  learn  (if  they  can  from 
so  short  a  story)  what  sort  of  a  man  I  am : 

"I  was  born  February  12,  1809,  in  Hardin  Co.,  Ky. 
My  mother  who  died  in  my  tender  years  was  of  a  family 
named  Hanks.  My  paternal  grandfather  emigrated  from 
Virginia  to  Kentucky  about  1781,  where  a  year  or  two  later 
he  was  killed  by  an  Indian  while  laboring  in  the  forest. 
My  father  who  was  only  six  or  seven  years  of  age  at  that 
time  grew  up  without  any  education  worth  mentioning. 
He  moved  from  Kentucky  to  Spencer  County,  Indiana,  in 
my  eighth  year.  We  reached  our  new  home  about  the  time 
Indiana  was  admitted  into  the  Union.  It  was  a  wild  region 
with  many  bears  and  other  wild  animals  still  in  the  woods, 
and  there  I  grew  up.  There  were  some  schools,  but  no 
qualification  was  required  of  any  teacher  beyond  'readin', 
writin'  and  cipherin'  to  the  rule  of  three.'  If  a  straggler 
supposed  to  understand  Latin  came  into  the  neighborhood 
he  was  looked  on  as  a  wizard.  Of  course,  when  I  became 
of  age  I  didn't  know  much ;  I  could  read,  write  and  cipher 
to  the  rule  of  three,  but  that  was  all,  and  I  have  not  been 
to  school  since.  The  little  I  have  added  to  this  store  I 
have  picked  up  from  time  to  time  under  pressure  of  neces- 
sity. I  was  raised  to  farm  work  at  which  I  continued  until 
I  was  twenty-two  years  old.  At  the  age  of  twenty-one  I 
came  to  Macon  County,  Illinois.  Then  I  got  to  New 
Salem  in  Sangamon  County,  where  I  remained  a  year  or 
two  as  a  sort  of  clerk  in  a  store.  Then  came  the  Black 
Hawk  war,  and  I  was  chosen  Captain  of  a  volunteer  com- 
pany, a  success  which  gave  me  more  pleasure  than  any  since. 
I  served  my  time  in  that  campaign,  and  ran  for  the  Legis- 
lature the  same  year  (1832).  Was  beaten,  the  only  time  I 
have  ever  been  beaten  by  the  people,  except  for  presidential 
elector.  At  the  next  election  and  for  three  succeeding 
elections  I  came  out  ahead,  so  that  I  was  a  member  of 
the  Illinois  Legislature  for  four  full  terms.  During  this 
period  I  studied  law  and  removed  to  Springfield  to  practice 
it.  In  1846  I  was  elected  to  the  lower  house  of  Congress, 
but  was  not  a  candidate  for  re-election  in  1848.  From  1849 
to  1854  I  practiced  law  more  assiduously  than  ever  before. 


Campaign  of  i860  43 

I  was  always  a  Whig  in  politics  and  was  generally  on  the 
Whig  electoral  ticket,  but  never  elected  anybody  President. 
I  was  losing  interest  in  politics  until  the  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri compromise  aroused  me  again.  What  I  have  done 
since  that  time  is  pretty  well  known. 

"If  any  personal  description  of  me  is  desired,  it  may  be 
said  that  I  am  nearly  six  feet  and  four  inches  in  height — 
lean  in  flesh,  weighing  on  an  average  180  pounds — dark 
complexion — coarse  black  hair  and  gray  eyes.  No  other 
marks  or  brands  recollected." 

If  this  sketch  conjures  up  any  support  for  me,  I  guess 
neither  the  Constitution  nor  the  statutes  made  in  pursuance 
thereof  will  be  violated. 

New  York  City,  February  28,  i860. — I  was  very  much 
gratified  to  meet  so  large  an  audience  at  Cooper  Institute 
last  night.  Instead  of  taking  a  text  from  the  Bible  or  the 
Constitution  I  took  Douglas'  recent  declaration  that  "Our 
fathers,  when  they  framed  the  government,  understood  this 
question  of  slavery  in  the  territories  as  well  and  even  better 
than  we  do."  I  then  proceeded  to  show  by  the  opinions  and 
votes  of  thirty-nine  of  the  men  who  signed  the  Constitution 
that  they  recognized  the  right  of  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery 
in  the  territories,  hoping  thereby  to  secure  its  ultimate 
extinction. 

I  was  also  grateful  this  morning  to  see  my  address 
published  in  the  four  daily  papers  of  the  city.  A  very  few 
persons  have  expressed  the  opinion  to  me  that  my  address 
will  promote  my  chances  for  the  presidential  nomination; 
but  I  do  not  indulge  any  great  expectations  of  Eastern  sup- 
port. People  are  not  apt  to  conclude  that  any  gift  of  speechi- 
fying that  I  may  possess  proves  my  fitness  for  the  Presi- 
dency or  makes  me  more  "available"  candidate  than  the 
other  candidates.  Still  my  Illinois  friends  are  working  very 
hard  and  seem  determined  to  secure  my  nomination  or 
perish  in  the  effort. 

Springfield,  April  25,  i860. —  I  have  given  more  or 
less  thought  to  my  chances  for  the  presidential  nomination, 
but  can  not  figure  the  thing  out.  Seward  will  be  in  the 
lead  with  New  York  and  the  northwestern  states  and  part 
of  New  England.  Chase  will  have  most  of  the  Ohio  dele- 
gation and  some  scattering  votes.  Banks  will  have  Massa- 
chusetts and  part  of  other  New  England  states.  Cameron 


44        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


will  have  Pennsylvania,  while  I  can  only  count  on  Illinois 
and  Indiana.  My  friends  tell  me,  however,  they  hope  to 
convince  a  majority  of  the  delegates  that  I  am  the  most 
"available"  man  on  the  list,  for  the  doubtful  states  of  New 
Jersey,  Illinois,  Indiana  and  Pennsylvania.  If  they  can 
succeed  in  doing  this,  they  claim  my  nomination  is  a  cer- 
tainty. But  they  all  understand  that  I  will  make  no  promises 
or  pledges  and  will  be  bound  by  none  that  may  be  made  in 
my  behalf. 

Springfield,  May  4,  i860.—  Very  naturally  I  have  been 
much  interested  in  the  reports  from  the  Democratic  Na- 
tional Convention,  which  assembled  at  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  on  the  23rd  of  April,  and  after  a  stormy  session 
of  ten  days  adjourned—  rather  "broke  up" — to  meet  in 
Baltimore,  Md.,  on  the  i8th  of  next  month.  As  I  have 
predicted  ever  since  our  Freeport  debate,  the  South  would 
have  none  of  Douglas  or  his  popular  sovereignty. 

The  committee  on  resolutions  were  unable  to  agree, 
and  after  three  days'  discussion  presented  a  majority  and  a 
minority  report.  Both  of  these  reports  reaffirmed  the  Cin- 
cinnati platform  and  declared  for  the  execution  of  the 
fugitive  slave  law  and  the  acquisition  of  Cuba;  but  the 
majority  report  was  very  explicit  in  asserting  the  right  of 
slaveholders  to  take  their  "property"  (slaves)  into  the 
territories  and  the  duty  of  Congress  to  protect  them  in 
that  right  until  the  inhabitants  of  a  territory  form  a  state 
consitution  and  are  admitted  into  the  Union,  while  the 
minority  report  declared  that  in  view  of  the  dififerences  of 
opinion  concerning  the  powers  of  Congress  over  slavery  in 
the  territories  the  party  would  abide  by  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court  on  this  question,  thus  making  both  Congress 
and  the  Executive  subservient  to  the  Supreme  Court.  Well 
has  somebody  said  that  "such  a  declaration  is  enough  to 
make  the  bones  of  old  Jackson  rattle  in  his  coffin!"  And 
since  the  Supreme  Court  declared  in  the  Dred  Scott  case 
that  Congress  had  no  constitutional  right  to  prohibit  slavery 
in  the  territories,  how  little  real  diiTerence  there  is  in  the 
two  proposed  platforms  after  all ! 

During  the  debates  on  these  two  reports,  in  reply  to 
the  demands  of  the  Southern  delegates  that  Northern  Demo- 
crats should  give  up  their  position  that  slavery  is  wrong 
and   accept   the   majority   report.    Senator   Pugh,   of   Ohio, 


Campaign  of  i860  45 


declared  that  after  all  the  concessions  the  northern  Demo- 
cracy had  heretofore  made  to  the  South,  they  were  now 
asked  to  lay  their  hands  on  their  mouths  and  place  their 
mouths  in  the  dust.  "Gentlement  of  the  South,"  he  said, 
"you  mistake  us — we  will  not  do  it !" 

On  the  seventh  day  of  the  Convention  the  minority 
report  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  165  to  138,  and  then  the 
delegations  from  the  cotton  states  withdrew  from  the  con- 
vention. After  two  or  three  days  were  spent  in  balloting 
for  a  candidate  and  failing  to  make  a  nomination  under 
the  two-thirds  rule,  the  Convention  adjourned  to  meet  in 
Baltimore,  Md.,  on  the  i8th  of  June.  The  Southern  dele- 
gates also  assembled  in  another  hall  and  adjourned  to  meet 
in  Richmond,  Va.,  on  the  nth  of  June. 

Decatur.  Ills.,  May  10,  i860. —  At  the  Republican 
State  Convention  held  here  to-day  my  cousin,  Dennis  Hanks, 
brought  into  the  hall  a  couple  of  weather  beaten  fence 
rails  decorated  with  flags  and  streamers — also  a  banner 
bearing  the  inscription  "Abraham  Lincoln,  the  rail  candi- 
date for  President  in  i860 — two  rails  from  a  lot  made  by 
Thomas  Hanks  and  Abe  Lincoln  in  1830."  In  response  to 
loud  calls  I  rose  and  merely  said  that  I  didn't  know  whether 
I  made  those  rails  or  not,  but  I  had  made  a  great  many  just 
as  good. 

Soon  after  John  M.  Palmer,  who  was  one  of  the 
Democratic  members  of  the  Legislature  that  refused  to  sup- 
port me  for  senator  in  the  winter  of  1854-5,  introduced  a 
resolution  which  was  adopted  unanimously,  declaring  me 
the  choice  of  Illinois  Republicans  for  President  and  in- 
structing the  delegation  to  the  National  Convention  to  vote 
for  me  as  a  unit.  In  presenting  his  resolution  Palmer  was 
generous  enough  to  state  to  the  Convention  that  he  wanted 
"to  pay  Lincoln  back"  for  withdrawing  from  the  Senatorial 
race  in  1855  in  favor  of  Trumbull. 

Springfield,  May  11,  i860. —  The  newspapers  inform 
us  that  the  remnant  of  the  "Know  Nothing"  party  (now 
calling  itself  the  "Constitutional  Union"  party)  held  its 
convention  in  Baltimore  day  before  yesterday  and  nomi- 
nated Ex-Senator  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  for  President, 
and  the  distinguished  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts, 
for  Vice-President.  Their  platform  declares  that  they 
"recognize  no  political  principle  other  than  the  Constitution 


46        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

of  the  country,  the  Union  of  the  States  and  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws ;"  but  they  signally  fail  to  note  the  fact  that 
the  constitution  and  the  Union  and  the  laws  of  the  nation 
are  mortally  menaced  by  the  efforts  that  are  being  made 
to  extend  the  institution  of  slavery  and  prepare  the  way  for 
the  re-opening  of  the  African  slave  trade. 

Springfield,  May  i8,  i860. — The  telegraphic  wires  in- 
formed the  country  this  afternoon  that,  amid  loud  cheers 
and  booming  of  many  cannon,  I  was  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent at  Chicago  on  the  third  ballot,  and  that  on  motion  of 
William  M.  Evarts,  chairman  of  the  New  York  delegation, 
my  nomination  was  made  unanimous.  Such  a  mark  of  con- 
fidence makes  me  feel  very  grateful  to  the  Republican  party, 
and  I  wish  at  the  same  time  that  the  people  all  knew  what 
a  deep  and  even  painful  sense  of  duty  and  responsibility  I 
feel.  During  the  canvass  of  1858  against  Douglas  I  was 
all  the  time  oppressed  with  the  uncertainty  of  the  result ; 
but  this  year  all  signs  point  to  the  certainty  of  our  suc- 
cess. In  the  present  condition  of  the  country  the  office  of 
President  will  be  no  bed  of  roses ;  and  I  will  need  all  the 
wit  and  wisdom  which  I  am  capable  of  exercising  to  make 
my  administration  successful  and  acceptable  to  the  people. 
And  God  helping  me,  that  is  what  I  will  always  try  to  do. 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  convention  formally  in- 
dorses the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  has  always 
been  my  political  gospel,  condemns  the  doctrine  that  the 
Constitution  carries  slavery  into  the  territories,  declares 
freedom,  not  slavery,  to  be  the  normal  condition  of  our  ter- 
ritories, denies  the  authority  of  Congress  or  a  territorial 
Legislature  to  establish  slavery  in  the  territories,  denounces 
all  attempts  to  reopen  the  African  slave  trade  and  demands 
the  immediate  admission  of  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  a 
free  state. 

Although  I  only  know  Senator  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  who 
was  nominated  for  Vice  President,  by  reputation,  I  feel 
honored  by  having  so  true  and  able  a  man  as  a  colleague  on 
the  ticket,  and  I  do  not  believe  I  could  improve  the  plat- 
form in  any  respect.  The  platform  "plows  around"  the 
tariff  question  somewhat  by  recognizing  the  need  of  import 
duties  for  purposes  of  revenue,  but  it  also  declares  in  favor 
of  adjuusting  these  duties  in  such  a  manner  as  to  encourage 
the  development  of  the  industrial  interests  of  the  country. 


Campaign  of  I860  47 


This  plank  of  the  platform,  I  am  politician  enough  to  be- 
lieve, will  secure  us  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania  without 
alienating  anti-slavery  men  who  are  inclined  to  a  strictly 
revenue  tariff. 

Springfield,  May  19,  i860. — The  delegation  appointed 
by  the  Convention  to  "notify"  me  of  my  nomination 
reached  Springfield  today.  As  most  of  them  had  never  seen 
me  before  and  as  my  nomination  was  a  disappointment  to 
several  of  them,  I  could  not  help  noticing  how  eagerly  and 
curiously  they  eyed  me  from  head  to  foot,  taking  note  of  my 
height,  my  dark  complexion,  my  high  cheek-bones,  the 
seams  and  lines  in  my  face  and  even  the  size  of  my  hands 
and  feet  and  the  length  of  my  arms  and  legs.  I  did  not  at- 
tempt a  set  speech,  merely  expressing  my  appreciation  of 
the  high  honor  conferred  upon  me  and  the  hope  that  I  would 
not  prove  unworthy  of  the  people's  confidence. 

I  relieved  the  formality  and  ceremony  of  the  occasion 
somewhat  by  asking  Judge  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
tallest  man  in  the  party,  what  height  he  measured.  "Six 
feet,  three  inches,"  he  said,  and  when  I  told  him  my  height 
was  six  feet  four  inches  he  answered  very  graciously,  "Then 
Pennsylvania  must  bow  to  Illinois." 

Springfield,  May  22,  i860. — Among  many  other  let- 
ters I  have  received  since  the  Chicago  Convention  is  one 
from  the  veteran  abolitionist  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio, 
who  informs  me  that  although  he  did  nothing  to  secure  my 
nomination,  whenever  he  is  asked  his  opinion  of  me  he  re- 
plies by  saying  that  I  am  an  honest  man,  and  that  all  he 
asks  of  my  administration  is  to  make  good  that  opinion. 

Springfield,  May  23,  i860. — I  have  just  completed 
my  letter  of  acceptance.  Taking  it  for  granted  that  my 
views  on  the  issues  of  the  campaign  are  pretty  well  known, 
I  have  contented  myself  with  approving  the  platform 
adopted  by  the  Convention,  and  declaring  that  with  the  as- 
sistance of  Divine  Providence  (which  I  realize  that  I  shall 
need  more  than  any  of  my  predecessors),  I  should  ever 
recognize  the  rights  of  all  the  states  and  territories,  and 
should  ever  labor  for  the  harmony,  prosperity  and  per- 
petual union  of  all  the  people.  Before  mailing  my  letter 
I  submitted  it  to  our  State  School  Superintendent  to  see  if 
the  grammar  was  all  "O.  K. ;"  and  the  only  correction  he 
made  was  a  change  in  the  order  of  the  words  in  the  phrase, 


48        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

"to  not  violate"  so  it  would  read  "not  to  violate,"  as  he 
said  it  was  contrary  to  the  constitution  and  laws  of  gram- 
mar "to  split  an  infinitive."  He  did  not  claim,  however, 
that  it  was  as  great  a  transgression  to  split  an  infinitive  as 
it  would  be  to  split  this  Union  of  ours ! 

Springfield,  June  15,  i860. — The  seceders  from  the 
Charleston  Convention  met  in  Richmond  on  the  nth  inst. 
and  after  due  deliberation  voted  to  adjourn  and  apply  for 
readmission  to  the  Convention  at  Baltimore  on  the  i8th 
inst.,  evidently  with  the  hope  of  securing  the  adoption  of 
their  platform  and  the  nomination  of  some  candidate  other 
than   Douglas. 

Springfield,  June  25,  i860. — The  Democratic  National 
Convention — more  properly  its  two  sectional  conventions 
— reassembled  in  Baltimore  on  the  i8th  inst.,  and  after  five 
days'  wrangling  over  the  readmission  of  the  delegates  w'ho 
withdrew  at  Charleston,  "broke  up"  again,  the  seceders 
from  the  cotton  states  being  reinforced  by  the  delegates 
from  the  other  slave  states  and  from  California.  What 
was  then  left  of  the  Convention  proceeded  to  nominate 
Douglas  for  President,  the  seceders  meeting  in  another  hall 
and  nominating  Vice  President  Breckenridge. 

Springfield,  June  28,  i860. — xA.lthough  my  nomination 
was  a  great  surprise  to  many  Republicans  and  a  positive 
shock  to  some,  the  general  sentiment  of  the  party  through- 
out the  northern  states  as  revealed  in  the  newspapers  is  very 
generous.  As  far  as  I  can  judge  the  disposition  of  all  Re- 
publicans is  to  give  me  their  fullest  confidence ;  so  I  am 
neither  disturbed  nor  displeased  by  the  numerous  inquiries 
that  come  to  my  acquaintances  throughout  the  state  con- 
cerning my  previous  record,  my  mode  of  life  and  the  man- 
ner of  man  I  am.  I  am  also  visited  by  reporters  of  various 
papers,  most  of  whom  show  a  disposition  to  secure  "data," 
on  w^hich  they  can  assure  the  public  that  I  am  not  as  raw  a 
backwoodsman  as  many  people  have  been  led  to  believe. 

Springfield,  July  4,  i860. — On  this  national  birthday 
I  have  spent  some  little  time  pondering  the  fact  that  the 
four  candidates  for  President  are  unanimous  in  their  pro- 
fessions of  devotion  to  the  Union  and  are  alike  emphatic  in 
their  pledges  for  its  maintenance. 

I  could  not  make  my  pledge  any  stronger  than  it  is  in 
my  letter  of  acceptance.     Douglas  says  in  his  letter,  "The 


Campaign  of  i860  49 

Union  must  be  preserved,  and  the  Constitution  must  be 
maintained  inviolate  in  all  its  parts."  Breckinridge  says  in 
his  letter,  "The  Constitution  and  the  equality  of  the  states, 
these  are  the  symbols  of  everlasting  Union.  Bell  says,  "If 
elected,  all  my  ability,  strength  of  will  and  official  influence 
will  be  employed  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Union  and  Con- 
stitution against  all  opposing  influences  and  tendencies." 

But  on  the  vital  issue  of  this  campaign  I  stand  alone 
and  apart  from  all  three  of  my  rivals  in  everlasting  opposi- 
tion to  the  extension  and  nationalization  of  slavery — so  help 
me,  Almighty  God ! 

Springfield,  July  6,  i860. — Kansas  has  been  denied  a 
voice  in  the  election  of  this  year,  the  U.  S.  Senate  having 
refused  to  take  up  the  House  bill  for  her  admission  into 
the  Union  under  the  Wyandotte  constitution — but  justice 
will  prevail  in  the  end,  as  surely  as  the  Lord  liveth ! 

Springfield,  July  10,  i860. — Nearly  every  day  I  re- 
ceive one  or  more  calls  from  Republican  supporters,  most  of 
whom  seem  merely  desirous  of  taking  a  look  at  me  and 
shaking  hands  with  a  Presidential  candidate,  but  some  are 
very  free  with  advice  in  reference  to  the  campaign  and  the 
course  of  my  administration  after  I  become  President, 
which  I  always  receive  in  a  friendly  spirit,  whether  I  con- 
sider it  of  any  value  or  not.  To  those  who  seek  an  ex- 
pression of  my  particular  views  I  generally  respond  by  re- 
ferring them  to  the  Chicago  platform  and  to  my  debates 
with  Douglas  and  my  other  speeches. 

_  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to  remain  in  Springfield 
during  the  campaign  and  to  be  "at  home"  to  all  visitors 
whatsoever,  whether  they  are  Jew  or  Gentiles,  saints  or 
sinners,  Republicans  or  Democrats;  and  I  expect  to  show 
due  courtesy  and  respect  to  all  who  want  to  pay  their  "re- 
spects" to  the  Republican  candidate  for  President,  whether 
they  are  my  supporters  or  not. 

Springfield,  August  8,  i860. — Such  a  Republican  rally 
as  we  had  in  Springfield  to-day  can  not  be  other  than  a  sure 
prophecy  of  victory  in  November.  The  people  and  "Wide 
Awake  Clubs"  came  from  all  parts  of  the  state,  the  pro- 
cession that  passed  my  residence  being  several  miles  in 
length. 

I  am  receiving  occasional  letters  from  Kentucky  and 

4 


50        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

other  border  slave  states  written  by  persons  who  beg  me  to 
publish  some  assurance  that  I  am  not  an  Abolitionist  and 
do  not  expect  to  interfere  with  slavery  where  it  now  exists, 
to  all  which  I  reply  that  I  have  published  such  a  declaration 
again  and  again,  and  that  if  people  do  not  believe  what  I 
have  already  said,  they  will  not  believe  it  if  I  should  say  it 
a  hundred  times  over.  In  the  language  of  Scripture,  "If 
they  believe  not  Aloses  and  the  prophets,  neither  will  they 
be  persuaded,  though  one  arose  from  the  dead !" 

Springfield,  III.,  October  15,  i860. — The  recent  elec- 
tions in  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Pennsylvania  all  went  Republican 
by  handsome  majorities,  Henry  S.  Lane  being  elected  Gov- 
ernor of  Indiana  by  some  10,000  majority,  and  Andrew  G. 
Curtin  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  by  some  30,000.  These 
victories  added  to  those  obtained  in  Maine  and  Vermont  in 
September  indicate  my  election  "beyond  a  reasonable 
doubt." 

During  the  campaign  I  have  had  a  number  of  hazy 
dreams  concerning  a  secession  movement  in  South  Caro- 
lina and  other  Southern  States,  in  which  I  thought  I  heard 
some  very  loud  declamation  from  "Southern  fire-eaters" 
and  saw  some  military  preparations ;  but  I  have  too  much 
faith  in  the  patriotism  of  both  the  Northern  and  the  South- 
ern people  to  believe  that  any  serious  efforts  will  be  made 
to  dissolve  the  Union  merely  on  account  of  my  election. 
But  what  mean  such  ugly  dreams? 

Springfield,  November  i,  i860. — Senator  Seward,  of 
New  York,  has  returned  form  his  speaking  tour  in  the 
Northwestern  states,  and  at  his  home  city  of  Auburn  de- 
livered an  address,  in  which  he  made  the  very  significant 
declaration,  that  my  election  would  be  "the  end  of  the  power 
of  slavery  in  the  United  States."  Heaven  grant  that  his 
prophecy  may  prove  true. 

Springfield,  November  6,  i860. — I  stayed  at  the  tele- 
graph office  to-night  until  the  election  returns  showed  that 
I  had  carried  all  the  free  states,  with  the  possible  exception 
of  New  Jersey,  California  and  Oregon,  which  result  gives 
me  a  clear  majority  of  the  electoral  college. 

Of  course  I  rejoice  over  the  result — who  wouldn't  re- 
joice in  my  place? — but  it  is  a  very  serious  reflection  with 
me,  that  not  a  single  state  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line 
gave  me  an  electoral  vote,  and  that  in  the  ten  states  of 


•'  The  End  of  the  Power  of  Slavery  "       61 

North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Miss- 
issippi, Tennessee,  Arkansas,  Louisiana,  Florida  and  Texas, 
I  did  not  receive  a  single  popular  vote,  there  being  no  Re- 
publican electoral  ticket  in  those  States.  Still  I  hope  that 
by  the  grace  of  God  I  will  prove  myself  the  true  friend 
and  faithful  servant  of  all  the  people,  both  North  and 
South,  as  truly  as  Washington  was. 

Before  leaving  the  telegraph  office  I  made  up  my  mind, 
that  it  would  be  a  wise  policy  to  invite  my  rivals  for  the 
Republican  nomination,  Seward,  Chase  and  Bates,  and  per- 
haps Cameron,  into  my  Cabinet ;  and  I  believe  the  people 
will  approve  such  a  selection. 

Springfield,  November  7,  i860. — At  the  very  height 
of  our  rejoicing  over  the  result  of  the  election  comes  very 
ominous  news  from  South  Carolina.  Governor  Gist  called  a 
special  session  of  the  Legislature  on  the  5th  inst.  to  choose 
Presidential  electors  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  the 
state,  recommending  that  in  case  of  my  election  a  Conven- 
tion be  called  to  consider  the  proper  means  of  redress  and 
giving  his  opinion  that  secession  is  the  only  alternative  left. 
He  also  recommended  a  reorganization  of  the  State  militia 
and  the  acceptance  of  ten  thousand  volunteers  for  such 
service  as  may  be  necessary.  It  is  very  hard  for  me  to  be- 
lieve that  even  the  people  of  that  state  can  be  led  into  seces- 
sion and  rebellion  before  my  inauguration  and  without  any 
unfriendly  act  on  the  part  of  my  administration — but  what 
am  I  to  think  of  these  plain  facts? 

Springfield^  November  10,  i860. — The  returns  from 
the  election  are  all  in,  and  I  have  carried  the  doubtful  states 
of  Oregon  and  California,  and  I  will  have  th^ee  of  New 
Jersey's  seven  electoral  votes,  which  will  give  me  180  elec- 
toral votes  in  all,  a  majority  of  57  over  all  others.  Breck- 
enridge  will  have  ']2  electoral  votes,  Bell  39,  and  Douglas 
only  12,  three  from  New  Jersey  and  nine  from  Missouri. 
But  Douglas  has  twice  as  many  popular  votes  as  Bell  and 
nearly  twice  as  many  as  Breckinridge.  While  I  have  nearly 
half  a  million  more  popular  votes  than  Douglas,  the  three 
other  candidates  have  an  aggregate  of  nearly  a  million  ma- 
jority over  me;  so  I  will  be  only  a  plurality  President  on 
the  popular  vote. 


62        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

CHAPTER  XL 

Secession — Secession — Secession  ! 

Springfield,  Nov.  13,  i860. — The  news  from  South 
Carolina  grows  worse  instead  of  better.  Yesterday  the  Leg- 
islature passed  a  bill  providing  for  a  convention  to  meet  on 
December  17th,  the  delegates  to  be  chosen  on  the  6th  of 
that  month,  all  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  secession.  I 
am  very  relucant  to  think  that  other  states  will  join  in  such 
a  movement ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  I  have  my  fears  and 
misgivings,  that  there  is  a  secret  understanding  between 
South  Carolina  and  other  Southern  states,  else  she  would 
not  be  taking  such  precipitate  action. 

Springfield,  November  15,  i860. — In  a  speech  in  re- 
sponse to  a  serenade  from  my  neighbors  and  fellow  citizens 
to-night  I  gave  them  my  hearty  thanks  for  their  support 
and  their  interest  in  the  Republican  cause  and  expressed 
the  hope  that  there  would  be  no  hard  feelings  toward  any 
of  our  opponents  either  North  or  South,  as  "We  Amer- 
icans are  all  citizens  of  a  common  country  and  should  al- 
ways dwell  together  in  the  bonds  of  true  fraternal  feeling." 

Springfield,  November  20,  i860. — I  have  been  much 
interested  in  reading  the  speech  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens 
against  the  secession  movement  from  the  fact  that  he  is  my 
personal  friend  and  was  a  co-laborer  in  a  number  of  Whig 
campaigns  in  past  years.  His  arguments  against  secession 
are  so  clear  and  cogent,  that  I  am  hoping  he  will  do  some- 
thing to  arrest  the  progress  of  secession  in  Georgia  and 
other  Southern  states. 

Springfield,  December  5,  i860. — What  am  I  to  think 
of  the  message  which  President  Buchanan  transmitted  to 
Congress  yesterday?  After  charging  our  troubles  on  the 
Republican  party  and  dwelling  at  some  length  on  the 
wrongs  which  he  claims  the  South  has  suffered  from  the 
North,  he  proposes  as  a  remedy  "an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution,"  which  would  expressly  recognize  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery  in  the  states  where  it  now  exists  and  de- 
clare it  to  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to  protect  it  in  all  the 
territories,  thus  asking  the  people,  under  threats  of  seces- 
sion, to  reverse  the  verdict  they  have  just  rendered  at  the 
polls  against  the  extension  of  slavery  into  the  territories. 


Secession  —  Secession  —  Secession  !  53 

The  message  takes  the  ground  that  the  Union  was  in- 
tended to  be  perpetual,  that  no  state  has  a  constitutional 
right  to  secede  from  the  Union,  and  that  secession  is 
equivalent  to  revolution.  But  on  the  other  hand,  while  he 
declares  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  to  enforce  the 
laws  throughout  the  country,  the  President  claims  that 
neither  Congress  nor  the  Executive  has  any  Constitutional 
power  to  coerce  a  state  or  maintain  the  Union  by  the  exer- 
:ise  of  military  force.  "Congress  has  many  means  of  pre- 
serving the  Union  by  conciliation,"  he  says,  "but  the  sword 
was  never  placed  in  its  hands  to  preserve  it  by  force." 

And  thus  he  leaves  the  question  in  hopeless  confusion 
md  contradiction  —  rather  in  conglomerate  conglomeration. 
Although  Mr.  Buchanan  is  fortified  in  his  position  that  the 
government  has  no  right  to  exercise  any  force  against  seces- 
sion by  the  official  opinion  of  so  able  and  learned  a  lawyer 
is  Attorney-General  Black,  his  message  will  add  nothing 
:o  his  reputation-  as  President  and  statesman,  but  will  be 
nore  likely  to  finish  whatever  reputation  he  had  left. 

I  certainly  want  to  be  charitable  to  Mr.  Buchanan.  I 
:onsider  his  great  age,  I  realize  how  hard  it  would  be  for 
lim  to  defy  the  counsels  of  his  life-long  political  associates 
to  whom  he  owes  his  office.  I  believe  that  he  loves  peace 
md  harmony  more  than  strife  and  contention,  and  I  my- 
self share  in  his  horror  of  civil  war  or  at  the  bare  sug- 
gestion of  such  a  thing;  nevertheless  I  deplore  this  message 
md  fear  it  will  give  encouragement  to  the  secession  move- 
ment that  bodes  no  good  to  the  country.  I  also  fear  that  it 
will  cause  foreign  nations  to  look  upon  our  government  as 
:he  "mere  rope  of  sand,"  which  he  declares  the  founders 
3f  the  government  never  intended  it  to  be. 

I  have  just  seen  Senator  Seward's  pithy  remarks  con- 
;erning  this  message,  "It  proves  two  things  —  first,  that  no 
state  has  a  right  to  secede  unless  it  wants  to,  and,  second, 
that  it  is  the  President's  duty  to  enforce  the  laws,  unless 
somebody  opposes  him." 

Senator  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  also  characterizes 
the  message  as  consisting  of  three  propositions :  "First, 
South  Carolina  has  just  cause  for  seceding;  second,  she  has 
no  right  to  secede;  third,  the  government  has  no  right  or 
power  to  prevent  her  seceding." 

Springfield,  December  9,    i860.  —  I  have  read  with 


54        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

great  pleasure  the  report  of  a  Union  speech  delivered  in 
the  Senate  by  Senator  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  in 
which  he  vigorously  denounces  the  whole  secession  move- 
ment as  uunlawful  and  unnecessary,  and  declares  that  while 
Congress  has  no  constitutional  power  to  coerce  a  state  in 
its  sovereign  capacity,  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  Presi- 
dent to  execute  the  laws  by  whatever  force  may  be  neces- 
sary. 

Springfield,  December  15,  i860. —  To-day's  papers 
inform  us  that  General  Cass  resigned  his  position  as  Secre- 
tary of  State  yesterday,  after  a  long  and  exciting  session  of 
the  Cabinet  on  account  of  Buchanan's  refusal  to  reinforce 
Major  Anderson  who,  with  less  than  one  hundred  men,  is 
holding  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor,  Attorney-General 
Black  being  appointed  in  Cass's  place  and  Edwin  M.  Stan- 
ton in  Black's  place.  From  my  experience  with  Stanton 
in  Cincinnati  some  years  ago,  I  do  not  believe  he  will  ad- 
here to  Black's  opinion  denying  the  right  of  the  govern- 
ment to  maintain  itself  against  secession,  and  there  are  some 
intimations  that  Black  himself  will  take  a  different  view 
when  he  sees  the  fatal  consequences  of  his  official  opinion. 
Springfield,  December  16,  i860.  —  I  have  written  a 
letter  to  Hon.  E.  B.  Washburn,  of  our  state,  requesting 
him  to  inform  General  Scott  that  I  will  be  very  grateful  to 
him  for  any  action  he  may  take  to  hold  or  retake  any 
United  States  forts  as  the  case  may  require,  at  and  after 
the  inauguration. 

Springfield,  December  17,  i860. —  I  have  received  a 
letter  from  Representative  Kellogg,  who,  as  a  member  of 
the  committee  of  thirty-three  (one  from  each  state)  ap- 
pointed by  the  lower  house  of  Congress  to  devise  a  plan 
for  the  settlement  of  our  difficulties,  in  which  letter 
he  asks  me  for  any  counsel  or  advice  I  may  wish  to  give 
him.  In  reply  I  have  told  him  explicity  to  entertain  no 
compromise  in  reference  to  the  extension  of  slavery; 
for  as  soon  as  this  is  done,  they  will  have  us  under,  and  we 
will  have  all  our  work  to  do  over  again.  I  wall  no  doubt  be 
censured  for  taking  this  position,  but  much  as  I  dread  even 
the  thought  of  civil  war,  I  deem  it  of  the  utmost  importance 
that  the  verdict  of  the  people  on  this  question  shall  stand 
until  the  people  themselves  shall  see  fit  to  reverse  it — which 
I  do  not  believe  they  will  ever  do.     I  will  not  do  it;  and  I 


Secession  —  Secession  — Secession  !  66 


WILL  SUFFER  DEATH,  as  I  have  written  to  another  of  my 
supporters,  before  I  will  enter  into  any  bargain  or  contract 
whereby  I  am  permitted  to  assume  the  duties  of  the  presi- 
dency after  the  people  have  duly  chosen  me  for  that  pur- 
pose. 

Springfield,  December  i8,  i860. — The  Washington 
"Constitution"  of  last  Saturday  contained  an  address  or 
manifesto  signed  by  about  thirty  senators  and  representa- 
tives from  the  nine  cotton  states,  declaring  that  all  hope 
of  relief  or  remedy  is  exhausted,  and  that  all  slave-holding 
states  should  speedily  withdraw  from  the  Union  and  organ- 
ize themselves  into  a  "Southern  Confederacy." 

And  this  in  face  of  the  fact  that  I  will  not  be  inaugu- 
rated President  for  nearly  three  months,  and  that  they  can 
point  to  no  unfriendly  act  (or  utterance)  on  m^^  part.  How 
clear  it  ought  to  be  to  every  one  that  my  election  by  the 
people  is  the  only  "grievance"  the  South  can  claim.  I 
can  only  hope  that  the  Southern  people  can  not  be 
"coerced"  into  a  compliance  with  this  call  of  their  senators 
and  representatives. 

Springfield,  December  22,  i860. —  As  anticipated  the 
South  Carolina  convention  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession 
day  before  yesterday,  or  rather  an  ordinance  declaring  that 
"the  ordinance  adopted  by  the  state  in  the  convention  held 
May  23,  1788,  whereby  the  constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  ratified,  is  hereby  repealed,  and  that  the  Union  of 
South  Carolina  with  other  states  is  dissolved." 

Springfield,  December  25,  i860. —  I  have  given  very 
close  attention  to  the  deliberations  of  the  Senate  Commit- 
tee of  thirteen  and  the  House  Committee  of  thirty-three 
(one  from  each  state)  who  are  trying  to  devise  some  means 
of  settling  our  difficulties ;  but  as  the  Southern  leaders  show 
little  or  no  disposition  to  remain  in  the  Union  on  any 
terms  whatsoever,  the  proposed  concessions  and  "guaran- 
tees," (all  of  which,  it  is  very  plain  to  me,  are  devised 
in  the  interest  of  slavery  and  look  to  the  strengthening  and 
perpetuating  of  that  institution),  seem  almost  farcical. 
And  although  I  have  never  been  a  worshiper  at  the  shrine 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  there  are  times  when  I  wish  he  could 
arise  up  from  his  tomb  and  declare  in  the  ears  of  all  the 
people :  "The  Federal  Union — it  must  and  shall  be 
preserved !" 


66        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Springfield,  December  31,  i860. —  The  news  that 
Major  Anderson,  on  the  night  of  the  26th  inst.,  had  evacu- 
ated Fort  Moultrie  in  Charleston  harbor  and  transferred 
his  garrison  to  the  stronger  fortress  of  Fort  Sumter  has 
thrilled  the  hearts  of  all  friends  of  the  Union,  although  it 
has  caused  quite  an  uproar  in  secession  circles.  There  are 
rumors  from  Washington  to  the  effect  that  the  Administra- 
tion is  very  much  embarrassed  by  this  act  of  Major  Ander- 
son on  account  of  an  understanding  between  Buchanan  and 
the  South  Carolina  Congressman  that  the  military  status 
in  Charleston  harbor  should  remain  unchanged  pending  the 
action  of  the  Charleston  convention,  and  that  the  govern- 
ment would  not  reinforce  the  forts  in  the  harbor  unless 
they  were  actually  attacked  or  were  about  to  be  attacked. 

There  are  also  reports  from  Washington  to  the  effect 
that  the  three  South  Carolina  "Commissioners"  who  arrived 
in  Washington  on  the  26th  inst.  had  an  interview  with 
Buchanan  and  actually  made  a  "demand"  on  him  —  poor 
Buchanan !  —  for  the  return  of  Anderson's  garrison  to 
Fort  Moultrie.  Buchanan,  it  is  said,  was  inclined  to  com- 
ply with  this  demand,  but  under  threats  of  resignation  from 
Secretary  Black  (who  seems  to  have  undergone  a  change 
of  opinion  concerning  the  right  of  the  government  to  pro- 
tect and  maintain  itself),  and  Attorney-General  Stanton,  he 
decided  to  leave  Major  Anderson  in  possession  of  Fort 
Sumter.  Whereupon  John  B.  Floyd,  Secretary  of  War, 
against  whom  serious  charges  of  dishonesty  were  pending, 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  and  Joseph  Holt,  of  Ken- 
tucky, a  reliable  friend  of  the  Union,  was  appointed  in  his 
place.  John  A.  Dix,  of  New  York,  was  appointed  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  in  place  of  Howell  Cobb,  who  resigned 
on  the  loth  inst.,  leaving  the  Treasury  almost  bankrupt. 
With  these  four  reliable  supporters  of  the  government  in 
the  Cabinet,  we  may  at  least  hope  that  during  the  remain- 
der of  his  term  Mr.  Buchanan  will  be  more  anxious  to 
maintain  the  government  than  to  please  and  satisfy  the 
secession  leaders.  And  to  do  him  justice  I  don't  think 
for  a  moment  that  he  wants  to  see  the  government  of  the 
Union  overthrown. 

Charleston,  Ills.,  January  5,  1861. —  I  have  spent 
most  of  the  day  with  my  devoted  step-mother,  near  this 
place.     She  enjoyed  my  visit  greatly;  but  on  parting  with 


Secession  —  Secession  —  Secession  !  67 

her  she  seemed  very  much  oppressed  in  her  feelings  at  the 
thought  of  my  leaving  Springfield  and  going  to  Washington. 
With  many  tears  in  her  eyes  she  declared  she  would  never 
see  me  again,  for  they  would  be  sure  to  kill  me  before  my 
time  was  out.  Just  whom  she  meant  by  "they"  I  did  not 
ask  her  to  tell  me.  Very  many  friends  in  Springfield  have 
also  expressed  the  fear  they  would  never  see  me  after  I 
leave  Springfield ;  but  I  will  not  be  concerned  about  my  own 
fate  in  such  a  crisis  as  we  are  now  in. 

Springfield,  January  lo,  1861. —  I  have  just  read  the 
message  of  Governor  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  to  the  Legisla- 
ture of  that  state,  in  which  he  vigorously  protests  against 
the  efiforts  of  South  Carolina  and  other  cotton  states  to 
force  Virginia  into  secession.  He  declares  most  emphati- 
cally that  he  would  resist  Southern  coercion  as  readily  as 
Northern  coercion ;  but  whether  he  will  stand  firm  against 
all  the  influences  that  will  be  employed  to  secure  the 
secession  of  Virginia  remains  to  be  seen. 

Springfield,  January  12,  1861. —  Day  before  yester- 
day the  steamer,  "Star  of  the  West,"  sent  by  the  govern- 
ment with  supplies  and  some  200  soldiers  under  command 
of  Captain  Charles  R.  Woods,  of  the  Ninth  U.  S.  Infantry, 
(whose  home  is  Newark,  Ohio),  arrived  at  Charleston 
harbor,  and  on  attempting  to  steam  up  to  Fort  Sumter 
was  fired  on  from  Fort  Moultrie  and  a  battery  from  Morris 
Island.  Being  struck  by  a  shot  and  having  no  means  for 
resisting  such  an  attack,  she  put  about  and  returned  to 
New  York.  It  is  not  for  me  to  say  how  this  manifest  act 
of  war  should  be  treated  by  the  Administration ;  but  I  do 
wonder  what  Washington  or  Jackson  or  even  Jefiferson 
would  have  done,  if  such  an  insult  had  been  ofifered  to  our 
flag  while  he  was  President. 

Springfield,  January  14,  1861. —  No  small  degree  of 
attention  and  interest  has  been  given  to  Senator  Seward's 
speech  in  the  Senate  day  before  yesterday,  on  account  of 
his  having  accepted  the  position  of  Secretary  of  State  in 
my  Cabinet.  Some  of  the  more  radical  Republicans  are 
dissatisfied  with  it  on  account  of  its  conciliatory  tone,  and 
because  instead  of  threatening  the  use  of  force  to  over- 
come the  secession  movement,  he  said  he  "would  meet 
prejudice  with  conciliation,  exaction  with  concession  which 
surrenders  no  principle,  and  violence  with  the  right  hand 


58        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

of  peace."  But  throughout  the  whole  speech  was  the  lofti- 
est sentiment  of  devotion  to  the  Union,  which  to  my  mind 
is  the  gospel  which  needs  to  be  preached  both  North  and 
South ;  and  hence  I  beHeve  his  speech  will  have  a  beneficial 
effect  on  the  minds  of  all  the  people.  The  country  does 
not  want  war,  if  it  can  be  avoided  without  dishonor. 

Springfield,  January  30,  1861. —  It  gives  me  great 
pleasure  to  record  that  the  bill  for  the  admission  of  Kansas 
into  the  Union  under  the  Wyandotte  constitution  has  passed 
both  houses  of  Congress,  and  has  been  signed  by  President 
Buchanan.  All  hail  Free  Kansas ! — the  thirty-fourth  star 
in  the  flag  of  our  Union.  To  quote  from  Sumner's  famous 
speech  for  which  he  was  assaulted  by  Brooks,  "Kansas  will 
yet  be  a  'ministering  angel'  to  the  Republic,  when  South 
Carolina  in  the  cloak  of  darkness  which  she  hugs"  —  but 
I  must  not  repeat  the  fate  which  he  prophesied  for  her ! 

Springfield,  January  31,  1861. — During  one  of  the 
first  nights  of  this  month  I  dreamed  that  in  some  mysteri- 
ous way  I  was  the  spectator  of  a  secret  caucus  of  a  few 
Southern  Senators  in  Washington  which  was  presided  over 
and  seemed  to  be  entirely  controlled  by  Jefferson  Davis. 
At  this  caucus  a  resolution  was  passed  urging  all  Southern 
States  to  secede  at  once  and  prepare  to  organize  a  separate 
government  not  later  than  the  middle  of  the  coming 
February.  Another  resolution  was  passed  appointing 
Mr.  Davis  and  two  other  senators  a  committee  to  carry 
this  purpose  into  effect.  This  was  only  a  dream,  but  it 
is  no  dream  that  the  secession  movement  has  spread  with 
marvelous  rapidity,  and  in  a  manner  clearly  indicating  that 
it  is  being  inspired  by  a  master  mind  and  guided  by  a 
master  hand  or  hands.  Following  the  lead  of  South 
Carolina,  the  Mississippi  convention  passed  an  ordinance 
of  secession  on  the  9th  inst.,  the  Florida  convention  on  the 
loth,  the  Alabama  convention  on  the  nth,  the  Georgia  con- 
vention on  the  19th  and  the  Louisiana  convention  on 
the  26th,  not  one  of  these  states  submitting  its  ordinance 
to  the  vote  of  its  people.  Still  more  significant  are  the 
signs  of  military  preparation  and  the  seizing  of  government 
property  wherever  it  is  within  their  reach.  And  I  can 
not  free  my  mind  from  apprehensions  that  the  same  sys- 
tematic effort  will  be  made  to  lead  the  other  slave  states 


Farewell  to  Springfield  59 

into  secession  without  regard  to  the  will  of  their  people  and 
even  in  defiance  of  that  will. 

Springfield,  February  6,  1861. —  Although  the  Con- 
gressional committees  at  Washington  are  earnestly  laboring 
to  devise  some  settlement  of  our  difficulties,  the  convention 
of  seceded  states  met  in  Montgomery,  Ala.,  a  day  or  two 
since  and  proceeded  to  the  work  of  adopting  a  constitu- 
tion and  organizing  an  independent  government. 

Springfield,  February  7,  1861. — Gov.  Sam  Houston, 
of  Texas,  refused  to  call  a  convention  in  the  interest  of  the 
secession  movement,  but  the  secessionists  of  that  state 
called  one  themselves,  and  on  the  ist  of  this  month  voted 
the  state  out  of  the  Union,  thus  adding  the  seventh  state 
to  the  "Confederacy,"  which  Mr.  Davis  and  his  colleagues 
are  bent  on  organizing  at  Montgomery. 

Springfield,  February  8,  1861. —  I  spent  two  or  three 
hours  in  the  office  with  Herndon  to-day,  closing  up  some 
business  and  reviewing  some  of  our  legal  experiences.  I 
lay  on  the  office  lounge  most  of  the  time ;  and  when  I  left 
I  told  him  to  leave  the  old  sign,  "Lincoln  and  Herndon," 
hanging  at  the  door,  as  I  expected  to  take  up  practice 
again  after  my  term  as  President  was  up,  expressing  the 
hope  that  serving  four  years  as  President  wouldn't  unfit 
me  for  the  duties  of  a  practicing  attorney. 


CHAPTER  Xn. 
Farewell  to  Springfield. 


Springfield,  February  10.  1861. —  This  is  my  last 
Sunday  and  my  last  full  day  in  Springfield.  During  all  the 
day,  even  during  the  services  at  church,  the  history  of 
Washington  and  the  Revolution  has  been  on  my  mind,  and 
I  have  silently  prayed  that  the  Almighty  would  give  me  the 
necessary  wisdom  for  my  great  task,  even  as  he  gave 
Washington  the  wisdom  that  he  needed.  I  have  never 
connected  myself  with  any  Christian  church  or  avowed  any 
theological  creed,  but  in  this  crisis  of  our  country,  we 
cannot  hope  to  settle  our  difficulties  without  the  guidance 
and  support  that  can  come  from  God  alone. 

Indianapolis,  Ind.,  February  11,  1861. —  Our  train 
left  Springfield  this  morning  and  arrived  here  just  before 
nightfall.     Although  a  pretty  severe  snowstorm  prevailed 


60        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

at  the  time,  a  large  number  of  people  were  at  the  depot  to 
see  me  off.  And  while  they  all  cheered  me  very  loudly,  as 
the  train  pulled  out,  I  saw  something  in  their  faces  that 
seemed  like  an  appeal  to  me  not  to  leave  them.  And  I 
stood  on  the  platform  and  kept  my  eyes  on  the  city  as 
long  as  it  was  visible. 

I  made  them  a  short  address  just  before  we  started,  in 
which  I  expressed  my  feeling  of  sadness  at  leaving  the 
city  where  I  had  lived  for  a  quarter  of  a  century,  where 
my  four  children  were  born  and  one  of  them  is  buried.  I 
told  them  I  knew  not  when  or  whether  i  should  ever 
RETURN,  and  invoked  their  prayers  in  my  behalf  that  I  might 
have  wisdom  given  me  for  my  great  task.  The  cordial 
greeting  I  received  at  various  stations  on  the  way  cheered 
me  up  considerably,  and  here  I  was  greeted  with  a 
most  magnificent  reception,  and  made  an  address  in  which 
I  reminded  the  people  that  the  preservation  of  the  govern- 
ment depended  on  them  as  truly  as  on  the  President  or  the 
Congress.  I  also  reminded  my  audience  that  I  would  not 
be  frightened  by  the  bugbears  of  "invasion"  and  "coercion" 
from  the  duty  of  executing  the  laws  in  all  the  states  of  the 
Union,  although  I  had  no  desire  to  irritate  or  humiliate 
the  people  of  any  state.  The  responses  to  what  I  said  on 
this  point  showed  me  very  clearly  the  extent  of  the  people's 
devotion  to  the  Union  and  of  their  desire  for  its  main- 
tenance. 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  February  12,  1861. —  In  response 
to  my  reception  here  I  made  a  short  address  in  which  I 
again  "shot  over  the  line"  and  assured  the  people  of  Ken- 
tucky and  other  Southern  states  that  they  were  my  friends 
and  brethren,  and  that  I  should  ever  recognize  them  as 
such  during  my  Administration. 

Columbus,  Ohio,  February  12,  1861. —  Just  after 
giving  a  short  address  to  the  Legislature  of  this  state,  I 
received  a  telegram  from  Washington  informing  me  that 
the  count  of  the  electoral  vote  had  taken  place  before  the 
two  houses  of  Congress  and  that  Vice-President  Brecken- 
ridge  had  declared  me  the  duly  elected  President  of  the 
United  States ! 

New  York  City,  February  19,  1861. —  The  papers  of 
this  morning  give  us  the  significant  information  that  Jeffer- 
son Davis,  was  yesterday  inaugurated  President,  and  my  old 


Farewell  to  Springfield  61 

Whig  friend,  Alex.  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  Vice-Presi- 
dent, of  the  so-called  "Southern  Confederacy,"  at  Mont- 
gomery, Alabama,  yesterday.  The  constitution  adopted  by 
the  convention  of  Southern  delegates  who  chose  Mr.  Davis 
as  their  President  is  similar  to  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States  in  form  and  in  most  of  its  provisions,  but  it  recog- 
nizes slavery  as  an  institution  to  be  forever  sustained,  and 
provides  that  in  all  territory  hereafter  acquired  that  in- 
stitution shall  be  duly  recognized  and  protected  by  Con- 
gress. In  his  inaugural  Mr.  Davis  asserts  that  in  with- 
drawing from  the  Union  the  Southern  states  are  only  ex- 
ercising their  "reserved  rights"  under  the  Constitution  and 
are  not  inaugurating  a  revolution.  If  the  South  can  not 
avoid  war,  he  claims  that  posterity  will  not  charge  her  with 
provoking  it ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  urged  his  Congress 
(or  Convention)  to  provide  for  both  an  army  and  navy 
"more  numerous  than  would  be  required  as  a  peace  estab- 
lishment." 

In  view  of  this  formal  organization  of  the  insurrection, 
how  vain  and  farcical  seem  all  the  efforts  of  the  Congres- 
sional committees  to  devise  such  an  adjustment  of  our  dif- 
ficulties as  will  be  satisfactory  to  the  South.  And  equally 
futile  as  I  anticipate,  will  be  the  labors  of  the  "Peace  Con- 
gress" of  some  twenty  states  that  commenced  its  delibera- 
tions in  Washington  on  the  4th  inst.,  under  the  presidency 
of  Ex-President  Tyler. 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  February  21,  1861. —  After  a 
journey  of  a  few  days  in  New  York  state  and  the  delivery 
of  addresses  at  various  points  besides  New  York  City,  we 
passed  through  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  to-day.  In  my  ad- 
dress there  I  told  the  people  how  deep  an  impression  the 
reading  of  Weems'  "Life  of  Washington"  had  made  on 
me  in  the  days  of  my  boyhood,  and  that  no  part  of  Wash- 
ington's history  had  effected  my  imagination  like  his  cross- 
ing the  Delaware  river  in  the  night  and  capturing  the  Hes- 
sian soldiers  at  Trenton.  In  the  course  of  my  remarks  I 
reminded  my  audience  that  while  no  man  loved  peace  more 
than  I  did,  it  might  become  necessary  to  put  the  foot  down 
FIRMLY.  The  loud  cheers  with  which  my  audience  greeted 
this  declaration  made  me  realize  their  confidence  that  if 
it  became  necessary  to  do  this  in  order  to  maintain  the 
government,  I  would  not  fail  in  the  discharge  of  my  duty. 


62        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Then  I  appealed  to  the  audience  to  sustain  me  in  my  great 
task,  because  if  I  failed  to  steer  the  ship  of  state  through 
the  storms   which  now   threatened   her,   no   pilot   would 

EVER   BE   NEEDED  FOR  ANOTHER  VOYAGE  ! 

On  my  arrival  here  I  was  introduced  by  my  friend, 
N.  B.  Judd,  to  a  detective  named  Pinkerton,  who  informed 
me  that  a  plot  was  being  hatched  against  my  life  at 
Baltimore,  and  he  therefore  urged  me  to  hasten  to  Wash- 
ington at  once  without  showing  myself  at  Baltimore,  which 
he  represented  as  a  "hotbed  of  secession."  Mr.  Judd  and 
other  friends,  besides  F.  W.  Seward,  who  brought  a  mes- 
sage from  Senator  Seward,  his  father,  of  the  same  import, 
gave  me  similar  advice,  but  I  told  them  I  had  promised  to 
raise  the  flag  at  Independence  Hall  tomorrow  morning,  and 
to  address  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature  in  the  afternoon 
and  that  I  must  keep  these  appointments. 

On  the  Way  to  Washington,  February  22,  1861. — 
After  the  flag  raising  in  honor  of  Washington's  birthday  at 
Independence  Hall  this  morning  I  was  called  upon  for  a 
speech,  and  although  not  expecting  such  a  call  I  managed 
to  express  the  peculiar  feelings  which  the  day  and  the 
occasion  had  awakened  in  my  mind  and  to  inform  the  peo- 
ple that  I  hoped  to  see  our  government  firmly  established 
on  the  principle  enunciated  in  the  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence that  all  men  are  created  equal.  I  declared  that  I  would 
rather  be  assassinated  on  the  spot — what  made  me  think 
of  such  a  thing  as  assassination  at  the  time  I  certainly  do 
not  know  —  than  surrender  that  principle ;  for  I  considered 
it  a  good  enough  principle  to  live  by  and,  if  it  be  the  pleas- 
ure of  Almighty  God,  TO  die  by  ! 

When  I  returned  to  Philadelphia  from  Harrisburg  to- 
night, I  found  that  all  arrangements  were  made  for  my 
proceeding  forthwith  to  Washington,  incognito,  to  which 
I  could  only  accede.  This  secret  journey  by  night  is  not 
at  all  agreeable  to  my  feelings ;  but  the  information  of  the 
detective  and  the  message  of  Seward  were  so  urgent  as  to 
give  me  no  other  choice.  In  my  whole  life  I  have  never 
been  accused  of  cowardice,  but  as  President-elect  I  would 
not  be  justified  in  encountering  any  unnecessary  danger, 
even  if  I  have  to  suffer  misrepresentation  and  ridicule  on 
account  of  my  caution. 


Exit  Buchanan  —  Enters  Lincoln  63 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
Exit  Buchanan  —  Enters  Lincoln. 

Washington,  February  23,  1861. —  Our  train  arrived 
here  at  6  o'clock  this  morning,  and  I  was  met  at  the  depot 
by  Seward  and  Washburn,  each  of  whom  gave  me  a  cordial 
greeting  and  expressed  great  pleasure  on  account  of  my 
safe  arrival.  Seward  has  frequently  been  spoken  of  as  the 
"Premier"  of  my  administration ;  and  there  was  something 
in  his  tone  and  manner  indicating  that  he  expected  to  be 
the  guiding  spirit,  at  least  the  main  prop  of  the  govern- 
ment during  the  coming  four  years  —  in  other  words  that 
he  is  to  be  the  "power  behind  the  throne,"  while  I  will  only 
be  the  King  sitting  on  the  throne,  but  I  am  not  at  all  con- 
cerned about  that.  Wishing  to  avail  myself  of  any  ad- 
vice he  may  ofifer  me,  I  have  submitted  a  copy  of  my 
Inaugural  address,  as  carefully  prepared  at  Springfield,  to 
his  examination,  and  asked  him  to  suggest  any  changes  he 
may  deem  desirable. 

Washington,  February  25,  1861. —  The  news  has 
reached  Washington  that  Brigadier-General  Twiggs,  whom 
Secretary  Floyd  appears  to  have  designedly  placed  in  corn- 
mand  of  the  Texas  department,  has  surrendered  all  his 
forces  and  all  the  government  property  under  his  authority 
to  General  Ben  McCuUoch,  representing  the  State  of  Texas, 
for  which  act  he  (Twiggs)  has  been  very  properly  dis- 
missed from  the  United  States  service.  So  at  the  very  be- 
ginning of  my  administration  I  will  have  to  face  facts  like 
these:  Loss  of  the  state  of  Texas  and  control  of  the 
Mexican  frontier;  Fort  Pulaski  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Savannah  river  occupied  by  insurgent  troops;  Fort  Moul- 
trie and  Castle  Pinckney  in  Charleston  harbor  occupied,  and 
Fort  Sumter  menaced  by  South  Carolina  forces ;_  Forts 
Jackson  and  St.  Philip  below  New  Orleans  occupied  by 
Louisiana  troops  and  Fort  Morgan  in  Mobile  bay  occupied 
by  the  troops  of  Alabama,  leaving  out  of  view  the  arms 
and  other  munitions  of  war  that  have  been  seized  and 
stolen  by  the  rebels. 

Washington,  February  28,  1861. —  I  have  been  very 
much  occupied  since  my  arrival.  Have  called  on  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  Cabinet,   on  Congress   and   on   the   Supreme 


64        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Court,  by  all  of  whom  I  was  treated  with  the  utmost 
courtesy,  although  I  could  see  a  pretty  large  interrogation 
POINT  in  most  of  their  faces  as  they  turned  their  eyes  to- 
ward me.  The  callers  at  my  hotel  I  might  describe  as  an 
innumerable  multitude  that  no  man  can  number.  All  of 
them  abound  in  expressions  of  goodwill  and  some  of  them 
abound  in  advice  and  counsel  to  which  I  listen  with  due 
courtesy  and  in  some  cases  with  pretty  close  attention. 

Seward  has  returned  the  copy  of  my  Inaugural,  which 
I  submitted  to  his  criticism,  with  the  recommendation  of  a 
few  changes,  the  most  important  of  which  is  that  I  leave 
out  the  paragraph  in  which  I  declare  that  I  will  always  ad- 
here to  the  platform  on  which  I  was  elected.  It  seemed 
to  me  but  right  and  fair  to  all  parties  that  I  should  make 
this  declaration,  but  Seward  earnestly  urges  that  it  is  not 
at  all  necessary  at  this  time,  and  that  it  would  aid  the 
secessionists  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  in  driving  their 
states  into  the  secession  movement.  As  there  is  no  sacri- 
fice of  principle  in  omitting  this  paragraph  I  think  I  will 
comply  with  Seward's  suggestion ;  for  this  will  enable  me 
to  lay  the  emphasis  of  my  Inaugural  on  the  points,  that 
the  government  of  our  Union  was  intended  to  be  perpetual, 
that  secession  means  revolution,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
the  Executive  to  execute  the  laws  and  maintain  the  integrity 
of  the  Union. 

In  the  closing  paragraphs  of  my  Inaugural  I  make  an 
earnest  appeal  to  the  Southern  people  to  go  slow,  to  de- 
liberate, and  at  least  to  await  developments  before  they 
rush  blindly  into  the  revolution  which  has  been  inaugurated 
by  their  leaders,  solemnly  reminding  them  that  the  mo- 
mentous issue  of  civil  war  is  in  their  hands,  and  not  in 
mine.  "The  government,"  I  positively  declare,  "will  not 
assail  you.  You  can  have  no  conflict  without  being  your- 
selves the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in 
Heaven  to  destroy  the  government,  while  I  shall  have  the 
most  solemn  one  to  'preserve,  protect  and  defend  it.'  " 

Seward  also  advised  that  instead  of  closing  my  Inagu- 
ral  with  the  pointed  question :  "Shall  it  be  peace  or  a 
sword?"  which  I  addressed  to  the  people  of  the  South,  I 
should  speak  "some  words  of  affection  —  some  of  calm  and 
cheerful  confidence."  He  accordingly  furnished  me  with 
the  draft  for  a  closing  paragraph,  which  I  have  changed 


Exit  Buchanan — Enters  Lincoln  65 

so  it  will  read :  "I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies, 
but  friends  —  we  must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion 
may  have  strained  it  must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection. 
The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battle- 
field and  every  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and 
hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the 
chorus  of  the  Union,  when  touched,  as  they  surely  will  be, 
by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

Washington,  March  i,  1861. —  I  came  to  Washington 
with  my  mind  made  up  in  reference  to  my  Cabinet,  provided 
I  found  no  reason  for  a  change.  I  not  only  think  it  would 
be  wise  to  recognize  all  elements  of  the  party  in  the  Cabinet, 
but  I  very  particularly  desire  Seward's  services  as  Secre- 
tary of  State  and  Chase's  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
for  I  have  a  very  decided  feeling  that  I  will  need  them 
BOTH,  and  that  no  other  men  can  fill  those  positions  as 
well  as  they  can.  So  I  have  prevailed  on  them  both  to  re- 
sign their  seats  in  the  Senate  and  accept  the  positions  I 
have  offered  them,  assuring  them  that  this  sacrifice  on 
their  part  is  for  the  country's  good.  To  certain  Republi- 
cans who  complain  because  I  have  chosen  four  men  of 
Democratic  antecedents  —  Chase,  Cameron,  Wells  and 
Blair  —  and  only  three  of  Whig  antecedents,  Seward, 
Smith  and  Bates,  I  have  replied  by  reminding  them  that  I 
am  something  of  a  Whig  myself  and  hope  I  will  be  strong 
enough  to  preserve  a  proper  balance  if  necessary. 

The  "Peace  Congress,"  composed  of  delegates  from 
some  twenty  states,  presided  over  by  Ex-President  Tyler 
(whom  I  had  almost  forgotten  until  he  appeared  in  this 
role),  which  has  been  in  session  in  Washington  since  the 
4th  inst.,  has  adjourned  without  day,  and  the  delegates 
have  all  returned  to  their  homes.  Whether  Tyler  and  the 
other  Southern  delegates  really  wanted  to  stay  in  the 
Union  I  know  not ;  but  they  certainly  seemed  more  anxious 
to  secure  concessions  from  the  government  in  behalf  of 
the  slave  interest  than  to  arrest  the  secession  movement. 

Washington,  March  4.  —  The  Inauguration  ceremo- 
nies passed  off  very  pleasantly,  although  it  pained  me  some- 
what that  there  should  be  any  necessity  for  the  complete 
military  protection  provided  by  General  Scott,  in  which 
task  he  was  most  heartily  supported  by  President  Buchanan. 
5 


66        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

The  crowd  assembled  in  front  of  the  Capitol  was  a  very 
large  one,  and  it  seemed  to  me  I  could  read  in  their  faces, 
from  the  highest  official  to  the  humblest  citizen,  an  ex- 
pression of  sympathy  for  me  in  view  of  the  great  task  I 
had  assumed.  I  also  thought  I  could  read  in  many  faces 
the  query  whether  this  man  from  Illionis  would  be  equal  to 
his  task.  Douglas,  I  was  much  pleased  to  notice,  stood 
close  to  my  side  and  manifested  his  friendliness  and  good- 
will by  holding  my  hat  during  the  ceremonies.  Whatever 
unfavorable  judgment  I  may  have  passed  on  Mr.  Buchanan 
during  the  four  years  of  his  Administration,  the  courtesy 
and  consideration  he  has  shown  to  me  since  my  arrival  in 
Washington  have  been  all  and  more  than  all  I  could  ask; 
and  the  hearty  grasp  of  my  hand  and  the  assurance  of 
his  best  wishes  for  myself  and  the  welfare  of  the  country 
will  be  gratefully  remembered  and  cherished  as  long  as  I 
live. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
Civil  War  —  Civil  War  —  Civil  War  ! 

Washington,  March  5,  1861. —  The  responsibilities  of 
my  new  position  were  impressed  on  me  most  clearly  this 
morning  by  receiving  a  note  from  Mr.  Holt,  who  is  still 
acting  as  Secretary  of  War,  in  which  I  am  officially  in- 
formed that  Major  Anderson  reports  his  position  at  Fort 
Sumter  as  very  precarious,  that  his  provisions  would  only 
last  a  few  weeks  longer  and  that  a  force  of  20,000  men 
would  be  needed  to  re-enforce  him  and  furnish  supplies  for 
a  permanent  holding  of  the  fort. 

I  immediately  sought  conference  with  General  Scott, 
and  after  examining  Anderson's  report,  he  informed  me 
that  the  evacuation  of  the  Fort  seems  almost  inevitable. 
So  I  could  only  refer  the  papers  in  the  case  to  him  for 
further  investigation,  giving  him  directions  to  exercise  the 
utmost  vigilance  in  the  maintenance  of  all  military  positions 
in  the  United  States  and  authorizing  him  to  call  upon  all 
departments  of  the  government  for  the  means  necessary  to 
that  end. 

Washington,  March  8,  1861. —  In  addition  to  all  other 
questions  which  I  have  to  consider  at  this  beginning  of  my 
administration  is  the  attitude  of  European  powers  toward 


Civil  War  — Civil  War  — Civil  War!        67 

the  recently  organized  Southern  Confederacy.  I  have  real- 
ized from  the  start  that  Buchanan's  non-coercion  message, 
and  his  failure  to  re-enforce  the  Southern  forts  when  so 
advised  by  General  Scott,  with  the  unopposed  military 
preparations  of  the  South  and  the  organization  of  the  Davis 
government,  have  caused  foreign  governments  to  form  a 
very  unfavorable  opinion  of  our  purpose  and  ability  to 
maintain  our  government.  And  when  to  all  these  facts 
we  add  the  desire  of  European  nations  to  obtain  cheap 
cotton  and  secure  free  trade  with  America,  I  have  feared 
they  would  all  be  inclined  to  encourage  the  secession  move- 
ment and  at  least  to  hope  for  its  success. 

Mr.  Seward,  who  assumed  the  duties  of  Secretary  of 
State  as  soon  as  he  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  has  ac- 
cordingly forwarded  a  circular  letter  to  our  foreign  min- 
isters, stating  the  confidence  of  my  administration  in  the 
continuance  of  the  Union,  and  declaring  that  this  govern- 
ment had  not  relinquished  and  did  not  intend  to  relinquish 
its  jurisdiction  within  the  territory  of  the  seceded  states. 

Washington,  March  9,  1861. — The  first  council  of 
my  Cabinet  was  held  to-day,  at  which  I  made  known  to 
them  the  situation  at  Fort  Sumter,  and  asked  their  opinions 
as  to  what  should  be  done.  They  were  all  not  only 
surprised  but  astounded;  and  the  only  conclusion  we 
reached  was  that  if  Fort  Sumter  is  relieved,  it  will  have  to 
be  done  within  thirty  or  forty  days,  at  most. 

Washington,  March  12,  1861. —  Captain  G.  V.  Fox, 
of  the  Navy,  has  submitted  a  plan  for  preparing  an  expedi- 
tion to  re-enforce  Major  Anderson  and  supply  his  garrison 
with  provisions  by  "running  the  batteries"  at  Fort  Moultrie 
and  on  Morris  Island.  The  Captain,  who  is  a  brother-in- 
law  of  Postmaster-General  Blair,  has  such  faith  in  the 
feasibility  of  his  plan  that  he  is  willing  to  risk  his  life  in 
the  effort  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

Washington,  March  16,  1861. —  In  view  of  Captain 
Fox's  plan  for  reinforcing  Fort  Sumter,  I  submitted  to  the 
Cabinet  to-day  the  question  whether,  assuming  the  possi- 
bility of  reinforcing  Fort  Sumter,  it  would  be  wise  to  make 
the  attempt  under  all  the  existing  circumstances ;  and  they 
have  all  returned  me  their  written  answers,  only  Chase  and 
Blair  favoring  the  effort.  In  view  of  the  opinion  of  Gen- 
eral Scott  that  the  Fort  is  untenable  and  that  five  of  my 


68         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

seven  Cabinet  councilors  do  not  favor  an  effort  to  re- 
enforce  it,  I  can  not  take  the  responsibility  of  accepting 
Captain  Fox's  plan,  neither  can  I  make  up  my  mind  to  ac- 
cept General  Scott's  advice  to  evacuate  the  Fort.  I  have, 
therefore,  directed  Captain  Fox  to  repair  to  Fort  Sumter 
in  person  and  report  the  result  of  his  observations  at  as 
early  a  day  as  possible. 

Meantime  I  have  directed  General  Scott  to  send  re- 
enforcements  to  Fort  Pickens,  at  the  entrance  of  Pensacola 
harbor,  in  the  hope  that  if  Fort  Sumter  must  be  evacuated, 
the  holding  of  Pickens  will  satisfy  the  country  that  I  am 
adhering  to  the  policy  of  holding  all  the  Forts  and  other 
property  of  the  government  to  the  very  best  of  my  ability. 

Washington,  March  22,  1861. —  My  old  Whig  asso- 
ciate and  personal  friend,  Alexander  H.  Stevens,  of  Georgia, 
who  was  inaugurated  as  Vice-President  of  the  Confederacy 
on  the  some  day  that  Jefferson  Davis  was  inaugurated  as 
its  President,  delivered  a  speech  in  Savannah,  in  his  state, 
yesterday,  in  which  he  declared  that  the  Confederate  Con- 
stitution preserved  all  that  was  desirable  in  the  Federal 
Constitution,  while  it  made  a  number  of  important  improve- 
ments on  that  instrument,  among  them  being  the  provision 
against  protective  tariff  duties  and  the  provision  of  a  single 
term  of  six  years  for  the  occupant  of  the  presidential  of- 
fice. 

But  the  great  superiority  of  the  Confederate  Constitu- 
tion, he  asserts,  consists  in  the  fact  that  it  recognizes  slavery 
as  the  natural  and  proper  state  of  the  African  race  and 
makes  that  institution  the  "corner-stone"  of  the  new  gov- 
ernment. The  negro  is  so  inferior  to  the  white  man,  he 
asserts,  that  subjection  to  the  superior  race  is  according  to 
the  will  of  the  Creator,  and  it  is  not  for  us  to  question  the 
wisdom  of  the  Creator  or  seek  to  reverse  his  laws. 

This  speech  of  Stephens'  ought  to  enable  us  all  to 
see  the  purpose  for  which  the  secession  movement  was  in- 
augurated; and  if  any  Northern  citizen  is  praying  for  the 
success  of  the  Confederacy,  he  surely  ought  to  know  what 
he  is  praying  for. 

Washington,  March  28,  1861. —  For  three  full  weeks 
past,  I  have  been  like  St.  Paul,  "in  a  strait  betwixt  two" — 
and  what  a  fearful  strait  it  is !     Major  Anderson  is  hold- 


Civil  War— Civil  War  — Civil  War!        69 

ing  Fort  Sumter  with  his  little  garrison,  but  his  provisions 
will  only  last  a  few  weeks,  and  he  may  be  attacked  and 
forced  to  surrender  or  witness  the  slaughter  of  his  garrison 
at  any  time.  To  attempt  to  re-enforce  him  and  supply  his 
command  with  provisions  by  force  would  be  a  very  hazard- 
ous experiment ;  and  it  might  precipitate  the  remaining 
slave  states  into  secession  and  might  cause  my  administra- 
tion to  be  charged  with  provoking  a  civil  war  between  the 
North  and  the  South.  On  the  other  hand,  to  order  the 
evacuation  of  the  Fort  under  the  present  circumstances 
(even  if  it  be  conceded  that  from  a  military  standpoint 
the  possession  of  it  is  of  no  particular  value  to  the  govern- 
ment), would  almost  seem  like  a  recognition  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  and  might  be  followed  with  most  serious  con- 
sequences both  to  my  administration  and  the  country.  By 
day  and  also  by  night  while  other  men  slept,  I  have 
wrestled  with  this  question,  since  whatever  confidence  the 
people  have  that  I  will  decide  this  question  honestly,  they 
will  hold  me  responsible  if  I  decide  it  unwisely. 

To-day  I  laid  before  the  Cabinet  the  report  of  Captain 
Fox,  who  has  returned  from  Charleston  with  the  details  of 
his  plan  for  reinforcing  Fort  Sumter,  together  with  the 
opinion  of  General  Scott  that  Fort  Sumter  and  Fort  Pickens 
should  both  be  evacuated.  They  were  all  opposed  to  the 
evacuation  of  Fort  Pickens,  but  remained  divided  in 
opinion  concerning  Fort  Sumter.  I  therefore  invited  them 
to  meet  me  again  to-morrow  for  further  consideration  of 
the  situation.  But  whatever  opinions  they  may  furnish  me, 
whatever  advice  they  may  offer,  the  supreme  responsibility 
rests  on  me.  I  must  decide,  I  must  determine  what  action 
is  to  be  taken.  But  I  have  reached  no  decision  yet  except 
the  directing  of  Captain  Fox  to  get  his  expedition  ready 
and  await  orders. 

Last  night,  after  walking  the  floor  until  midnight,  I 
again  dreamed  that  I  saw  Moses  and  Washington  stand- 
ing on  the  summit  of  a  mountain  and  desiring  me  to  come 
and  stand  beside  them.  This  time  the  mountain  seemed 
much  higher,  my  ascent  was  more  difficult  and  much  more 
dangerous  than  before,  and  the  time  was  prolonged  from 
day  to  day,  then  from  week  to  week,  and  then  from  year  to 
year.  But  against  all  difficulties  and  disregarding  all  dan- 
gers, I  pressed  on  without  once  looking  backw^ard,  until  I 


70        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

again  stood  by  their  side  and  heard  their  salutation  and  wel- 
come ;  and  then  I  awoke. 

Washington,  April  i,  1861. — Early  to-day  I  received 
a  letter  from  Secretary  Seward  with  the  heading  "Some 
Thoughts  for  the  President's  Consideration,"  in  which  he 
makes  complaint,  that  at  the  end  of  one  month  the  Admin- 
istration is  without  any  policy,  foreign  or  domestic,  and  that 
further  delay  will  be  attended  with  scandal  and  danger.  He 
therefore  proposes  that  we  should  change  the  question  be- 
fore the  country  from  one  relating  to  slavery  to  one  of 
Union  or  Disunion — as  if  those  questions  could  be  sepa- 
rated !  He  advises  the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter,  since 
the  holding  of  that  Fort  is  regarded  as  a  slavery  or  party 
question,  but  would  reinforce  Fort  Pickens  and  retain  pos- 
session of  all  other  Forts  in  the  Southern  states.  As  to 
foreign  affairs  he  would  demand  explanations  from  Eur- 
opean nations,  and  if  necessary,  convene  Congress  and  de- 
clare war  against  them.  He  says  he  would  also  send  agents 
into  Canada,  Mexico  and  Central  America  to  stir  up  a  con- 
tinental spirit  against  European  intervention. 

Having  given  this  brief  outline  of  his  proposed  policy, 
he  closes  by  saying  that  whatever  policy  is  adopted  should 
be  vigorously  prosecuted,  and  that  it  should  be  directed  at 
all  times  by  either  the  President  or  some  member  of  his 
Cabinet,  and  that  when  adopted  all  debates  should  cease,  and 
all  agree  and  abide.  This  task,  he  says,  is  not  his  especial 
province,  but  he  will  shrink  from  no  responsibility  that  may 
devolve  upon  him. 

After  reading  this  communication  I  decided  to  answer 
it  at  once.  In  reference  to  his  complaint  of  no  policy  I  re- 
ferred him  to  my  Inaugural  declaring  my  purpose  to  hold 
and  occupy  the  Forts  and  other  property  of  the  govern- 
ment, which  is  the  very  domestic  policy  he  now  urges  upon 
me  with  the  single  qualification  that  it  does  not  include  the 
evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter  —  to  which  I  can  not  give  my 
consent ! 

In  reference  to  our  foreign  policy  I  thought  no  answer 
would  be  the  best  answer  to  his  proposal  to  stir  up  a  war 
with  European  nations,  but  I  reminded  him  that  this  was 
his  first  complaint  of  our  being  short  of  a  foreign  policy. 

In  answer  to  his  closing  proposition  that  some  one  per- 
son should  direct  the  policy   of   the  Administration  with 


Civil  War —  Civil  War  — Civil  War!        71 


little  or  no  discussion  on  the  part  of  others,  I  remarked  that 
if  this  is  to  be  done,  I  must  do  it,  but  that  I  desired  and 
expected  to  receive  the  advice  of  all  the  members  of  my 
Cabinet, 

This  answer  has  been  duly  placed  in  Mr.  Seward's 
hands  without  my  giving  it  the  heading,  "Some  Thoughts 
for  the  Secretary  of  State's  Consideration,"  and  both  letter 
and  answer  will  be  kept  secret  from  all  other  persons,  un- 
less Mr.  Seward  himself  wishes  them  to  be  made  public. 
Neither  will  I  ever  allude  to  the  subject  in  my  conversations 
with  him,  unless  he  does. 

Washington,  April  8,  1861. — Captain  Fox's  expedition 
for  the  relief  of  Fort  Sumter  sailed  yesterday,  and  will 
probably  reach  its  destination  by  the  nth  or  12th  inst.  His 
instructions  are  that  if  Fort  Siunter  has  not  been  attacked, 
to  procure  an  interview  with  Governor  Pickens  and  notify 
him  that  an  effort  will  be  made  to  supply  the  garrison  with 
provisions  only,  and  that  if  this  is  not  resisted,  no  attempt 
will  be  made  to  send  in  re-enforcements  of  men,  arms  or 
ammunition. 

I  think  by  this  means  that  I  will  satisfy  the  country — 
for  I  must  depend  on  the  country  for  support  in  whatever 
action  is  taken — that  I  am  doing  my  best  to  maintain  the 
government  without  provoking  war;  and  I  also  believe  that 
if  the  effort  to  supply  our  soldiers  with  provisions  be  re- 
sisted, it  will  be  such  an  act  of  war  on  the  part  of  the  in- 
surgents as  will  place  all  the  responsibility  on  those  who 
are  trying  to  destroy  the  Union  instead  of  those  who  are 
trying  to  preserve  it.  If  the  Confederate  authorities  per- 
mit these  supplies  to  be  sent  into  the  Fort  without  resistance 
after  all  their  military  preparations,  their  "government"  will 
fall  by  its  own  weight ;  if  they  assail  the  flag  of  our  gov- 
ernment, the  consequences  will  be  on  their  own  heads. 

Washington,  April  10,  1861. — -The  successful  re-en- 
forcement of  Fort  Pickens  by  Gen.  Meigs  of  the  Army  and 
Captain  D.  D.  Porter  of  the  Navy  gives  me  great  satisfac- 
tion ;  but  I  can  have  little  rest  day  or  night  until  I  hear 
definite  news  from  Charleston,  as  I  realize  so  clearly  that 
"the  momentous  issue  of  Civil  War,"  of  wjnich  I  spoke  in 
my  Inaugural,  will  soon  be  determined. 

Meantime  I  am  so  beset — almost  overwhelmed — by 
visits  of  office-seekers  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  that  I 


72         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

only  liken  myself  to  a  proprietor  of  an  apartment  house 
letting  out  his  rooms,  while  a  fierce  fire  is  raging  in  the 
building  and  threatening  its  complete  destruction. 

Washington,  April  13,  1861. — The  dogs  of  war  are 
loosed  at  last — and  my  administration  is  not  respon- 
sible! Because  I  have  attempted  to  send  bread  and  meat 
to  Major  Anderson's  garrison,  under  orders  from  Mont- 
gomery, Gen.  Beauregard  opened  fire  on  Fort  Sum^jter 
yesterday  and  kept  up  a  fierce  bombardment  all  day — which 
opens  a  new,  and  who  knows  how  important? — a  chapter  in 
American  history.  Whether  Capt.  Fox's  expedition  had 
reached  Charleston  we  do  not  know;  but  if  it  had,  it  does 
not  appear  to  have  taken  part  in  the  conflict. 

Washington,  April  14,  1861. — The  news  from 
Charleston  this  morning  is  to  the  effect  that  after  suffering 
a  continuous  bombardment  of  twenty-four  hours,  Major  An- 
derson clearly  saw  that  further  resistance  would  be  useless 
and  surrendered  Fort  Sumter,  his  garrison  being  allowed 
to  march  out  with  the  honors  of  war  and  take  passage  on 
a  steamer  for  the  North. 

I  have  already  prepared  a  call  for  75,000  three  months' 
militia  for  the  suppression  of  this  insurrection,  under  the 
ctct  of  Congress,  passed  in  1795,  and  I  have  also  decided  to 
convene  Congress  in  extra  session  on  the  coming  fourth  of 
July  to  provide  ways  and  means  for  the  national  defense 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  Union. 

I  was  particularly  gratified  to  receive  a  call  from 
Douglas  and  to  hold  a  two  hours'  conference  with  him,  in 
which  he  informed  me  that  notwithstanding  all  our  past  dif- 
ferences, he  would  stand  by  me  and  support  me  to  the  end 
in  all  my  efforts  to  enforce  the  national  authority,  his  only 
complaint  being  that  I  did  not  call  for  200,000  troops  in- 
stead of  75,000.  He  said  his  previous  acquaintance  with  the 
men  at  the  head  of  this  secession  movement  had  given  him 
a  chance  to  understand  their  temper  and  character  better 
than  I  did.  We  discussed  the  situation  at  considerable 
length  and  parted  with  the  most  cordial  understanding  that 
his  utmost  influence  would  be  used  in  Illinois  and  other 
northern  states  in  support  of  the  Union  cause,  as  he  de- 
clared that  in  this  crisis  there  could  be  but  two  parties, 
patriots  and  traitors,  as  he  exprssed  himself  in  his  most 
vigorous  tones.     In  all  the  years  of  my  acquaintance  with 


Civil  War— Civil  War  — Civil  War!        73 

Douglas  I  have  rather  flattered  myself  that  I  knew  him 
through  and  through ;  but  in  this  interview,  I  must  confess 
that  he  revealed  a  degree  of  patriotic  sentiment  for  which 
I  never  gave  him  credit. 

Washington,  April  i8,  1861. — If  the  Southern  leaders 
expected  as  I  think  they  did,  that  for  political  and  com- 
mercial reasons  the  North  would  be  divided  on  the  question 
of  sustaining  the  government,  how  mistaken  they  were.  The 
attack  on  Fort  Sumter  has  indeed  "fired  the  Southern 
heart,"  but  it  has  also  fired  the  Northern  heart.  From  all 
the  free  states  I  can  hear  but  one  voice,  and  that  is  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Union.  The  pulpits  are  preaching  war, 
and  urging  men  to  enlist,  war  speeches  are  heard  in  all 
public  assemblages,  soldiers  are  enlisting  and  drilling  in  all 
the  towns  and  cities,  and  everywhere  is  manifested  the 
willingness  to  make  all  necessary  sacrifices  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  government. 

The  response  of  the  Northern  Governors  to  the  call  for 
troops  is  most  hearty  and  enthusiastic.  Gov.  Andrew  had 
two  Regiments  already  organized  and  equipped  in  anticipa- 
tion of  the  call,  and  they  are  now  on  their  way  to  Washing- 
ton; and  all  the  other  northern  Governors  are  making  the 
most  earnest  efforts  to  supply  their  quotas  without  a  day's 
unnecessary  delay,  several  asking  the  privilege  of  furnishing 
a  larger  number  of  troops  than  we  had  assigned  to  them. 

But  the  exceedingly  unfavorable  responses  from  the 
border  slave  states  make  me  realize  that  the  utmost  wisdom 
and  discretion  will  be  needed  to  keep  them  from  joining 
the  secession  movement.  W^ashington  himself  would  find 
the  task  a  very  hard  one. 

Washington,  April  19,  1861. — Thanks  to  the  energy 
and  foresight  of  Gov.  Andrew,  the  6th  Massachusetts  In- 
fantry arrived  in  the  city  this  evening,  although  they  were 
assaulted  by  a  mob  while  passing  through  Baltimore,  three 
of  their  number  being  killed  and  some  thirty  being  wounded 
duringi  the  march  from  one  Railroad  depot  to  the  other. 

I  have  just  issued  an  executive  proclamation  declaring 
that  in  view  of  the  insurrection  existing  in  the  states  of 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Louisiana  and  Texas,  the  seaports  of  those  states  are  de- 
clared to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade  in  accordance  with  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  and  the  laws  of  nations. 


74         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Information  has  leaked  out  that  the  Virginia  Conven- 
tion passed  a  secret  ordinance  of  secession  a  day  or  two 
since,  and  that  she  is  preparing  to  cast  her  lot  with  the 
Southern  Confederacy. 

Washington,  April  24,  1861. — On  account  of  the 
burning  of  Railroad  bridges  and  the  tearing  up  of  tracks 
by  the  Baltimore  secessionists  to  prevent  the  passage  of 
troops  over  Maryland  soil,  Washington  has  been  almost  in 
a  state  of  siege  for  the  past  few  days,  although  there  is  only 
a  march  of  twenty  miles  from  Annapolis  to  Annapolis  Junc- 
tion to  be  made  by  our  troops  before  they  can  be  trans- 
ported by  rail  to  Washington.  Have  the  men  of  the  North 
no  legs  ?  Why  do  they  not  come  and  relieve  our  suspense  ? 
But  perhaps  they  are  encountering  obstacles  that  I  do  not 
understand,  so  let  me  not  do  them  any  injustice. 

Washington,  April  25,  1861. — Gov.  Letcher  has  issued 
a  proclamation  declaring  Virginia's  separation  from  the 
Union  and  appointing  Col.  Robert  E.  Lee,  who  resigned  his 
commission  in  the  U.  S.  army  a  few  days  ago,  commander 
of  all  the  military  forces  of  the  state,  which  forces  Letcher 
has  placed  under  the  orders  o  the  Confederate  government. 
Lee's  defection  I  consider  the  most  serious  of  all  that  has 
occurred  among  our  army  officers,  as  General  Scott  had  in- 
tended to  place  him  in  command  of  all  U.  S.  forces  that 
might  be  engaged  in  active  service.  After  marching  twenty 
miles  yesterday  and  last  night  and  repairing  the  Railroad 
track  as  they  went,  the  Massachusetts  8th  and  the  New 
York  7th  reached  Annapolis  Junction  early  this  morning 
where  they  met  a  Railroad  train  that  had  come  there  from 
Washington  yesterday.  Embarking  at  once  on  this  train  the 
7th  New  York  reached  the  city  about  noon  and  marched  up 
Pennsylvania  Avenue  to  the  White  House.  Loud  cheers 
greeted  them  at  every  step,  for  we  all  felt  that  communica- 
tion was  again  opened  between  the  supporters  of  the  Union 
and  their  government. 

Washington,  May  i,  1861. — I  have  written  a  letter 
to  Major  Robert  Anderson,  stating  that  in  addition  to  the 
official  letter  of  thanks  which  I  caused  to  be  sent  to  him 
through  the  War  Department  a  few  days  ago,  I  would 
be  glad  to  see  him  in  Washington  at  any  time,  that  I  may 
express  my  appreciation  of  the  services  he  rendered  the 


"  On  to  Richmond" — Back  to  Washington    76 

government  at  Fort  Sumter  and  perhaps  explain  some  things 
that  he  may  not  have  clearly  understood. 

Have  also  written  a  note  to  Capt.  G.  V.  Fox,  who  made 
such  an  heroic  effort  to  re-enforce  Anderson,  that  his  failure 
to  reach  the  Fort  before  the  bombardment  was  due  to  no 
fault  of  his,  while  I  myself  was  perhaps  responsible  for  de- 
priving him  of  the  war  vessel  which  he  deemed  so  im- 
portant to  the  success  of  his  enterprise. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
"On  to  Richmond" — and  Back  to  Washington. 

Washington,  May  5,  1861. — In  view  of  the  active 
military  preparations  ordered  by  the  Confederate  Congress 
I  have  deemed  it  necessary  to  anticipate  the  action  of  our 
Congress  by  issuing  a  call  for  42,000  additional  volunteers 
for  three  years  and  for  eight  additional  Regiments  of  In- 
fantry, one  of  Cavalry  and  one  of  Artillery,  to  be  added  to 
the  regular  army.  This  call  was  issued  only  two  days  ago; 
but  the  responses  that  have  already  come  to  it  indicate  very 
clearly  that  it  will  be  sustained  by  the  country,  and  that  the 
requisite  number  of  recruits  will  soon  be  obtained. 

Washington,  May  10,  1861. — A  dispatch  just  received 
from  Mr.  Adams,  our  newly  appointed  minister  to  England, 
gives  the  information  that  on  his  arrival  at  London  he  found 
that  the  ministry  had  already  published  the  Queen's 
proclamation  acknowledging  the  belligerency  of  the  Con- 
federacy, and  that  France  had  followed  her  example.  Hence 
I  have  grave  fears  that  these  two  governments  have  taken 
this  action  with  a  view  to  recognizing  the  Confederacy  as 
soon  as  they  may  have  reason  to  believe  that  our  Union  can 
not  be  maintained ;  and  it  will  therefore  be  necessary  for  us 
to  answer  Mr.  Adams'  dispatch  in  such  a  manner,  that  with- 
out our  giving  them  any  provocation,  they  will  give  due 
heed  to  our  protest  against  such  an  act  of  unfriendliness. 

Washington,  May  12,  1861. — Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon 
surrounded  "Camp  Jackson"  at  St.  Louis  yesterday,  with 
four  Regiments  of  Missouri  Volunteers,  two  Regiments 
of  Home  Guards  and  four  pieces  of  Artillery,  com- 
pelling a  complete  surrender  of  Gov.  Jackson's  state  militia, 
which  he  (Jackson)  was  evidently  training  for  the  service 
of  the  Confederacy.    Which  act  proves  the  mettle  of  Capt. 


76        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Lyon  and  entitles  him  to  the  gratitude  of  all  Union  sup- 
porters. 

Washington,  May  22,  1861. — Secretary  Seward  has 
formulated  a  dispatch  to  Minister  Adams  vigorously  pro- 
testing against  either  official  or  unofficial  intercourse  with 
"the  domestic  enemies  of  the  United  States"  on  the  part  of 
the  English  ministry,  which  will  cause  the  English  govern- 
ment to  understand  that  it  can  not  be  the  friend  of  the 
Confederacy  and  of  the  United  States  at  the  same  time. 

I  have  however  "toned  down"  Mr.  Seward's  dispatch 
somewhat  by  striking  out  a  few  clauses  and  changing  the 
phraseology  of  a  few  others.  Among  the  various  changes 
that  I  made  are  these:  Where  Mr.  Seward  wrote,  "The 
President  is  surprised  and  grieved.,"  I  changed  the  phrase 
"surprised  and  grieved"  to  the  simple  word  "regrets."  Where 
he  wrote  that  "unofficial  intercourse  with  the  rebel  com- 
missioners would  be  no  less  wrongful  to  us  than  official  in- 
tercourse," I  have  changed  the  word  "wrongful"  to  the 
word  "hurtful."  The  sentence,  "We  intend  to  have  a  clear 
record  of  whatever  issue  may  arise  between  us  and  Great 
Britain,"  I  have  struck  out  altogether,  as  the  tone  of  it 
seemed  unfriendly. 

Mr.  Seward  was  justly  indignant  on  receiving  Mr. 
Adams'  dispatch;  but  one  war  at  a  time  is  enough  for  us. 
We  can  not  even  afiford  to  provoke  the  unfriendliness  of 
the  English  ministry;  for  if 'England  should  ever  recognize 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  France  would  be  sure  to  follow 
her  example. 

Washington,  May  24,  1861. — Under  orders  from 
Gen.  Scott  a  force  of  10,000  men  under  Gen.  Mansfield  and 
Gen.  McDowell  crossed  the  Potomac  to-day  and  occupied 
Alexandria  and  Arlington  Heights  on  "the  sacred  soil"  of 
Virginia.  No  resistance  was  offered;  but  Col.  Ellsworth, 
of  the  New  York  Fire  Zouaves,  seeing  a  rebel  flag  on  the 
roof  of  a  hotel  in  Alexandria  ascended  the  stairs  and  hauled 
it  down.  On  descending  the  stairs  he  was  met  by  the  pro- 
prietor of  the  hotel  who  shot  him  dead.  Whereupon  one 
of  Ellsworth's  men  promptly  shot  the  hotel  proprietor  in 
turn.  The  sacrifice  of  so  noble  and  gallant  a  soldier  as 
Ellsworth,  to  whom  I  was  especially  attached,  grieves  me 
sorely,  and  it  raises  the  question  in  my  mind  whether  the 


"  On  to  Richmond  " —  Back  to  Washington    77 

war  will  not  cost  far  more  blood  and  treasure  than  either 
the  North  or  South  expect. 

Washington,  May  30,  1861. — Gen.  Butler  command- 
ing our  forces  at  Fortress  Monroe  has  sent  to  the  War  De- 
partment for  its  approval  or  disapproval  his  order,  that 
fugitive  slaves  coming  within  our  lines  shall  not  be  returned 
to  their  masters,  but  shall  be  considered  contraband  of 
WAR,  the  same  as  any  other  "property"  of  which  the  mili- 
tary may  come  into  possession ;  and  SecretaryCameron  has 
written  that  his  order  is  approved.  The  Secretary  has 
further  instructed  him  to  employ  all  slaves  that  may  come 
within  his  lines  in  any  special  service  for  which  they  are 
adapted,  leaving  the  final  disposition  of  them  for  future  de- 
termination. Ah,  this  slavery  question — what  are  to  do  with 
it  as  the  war  proceeds  in  its  course? 

The  latest  news  from  Richmond  is  to  the  efifect  that 
Jefferson  Davis  has  arrived  in  that  city,  the  Confederate 
Congress  which  adjourned  on  the  20th  inst.,  having  made 
Richmond  the  capital  city  of  the  Confederacy. 

Washington,  June  4,  1861. — I  am  deeply  pained  to 
learn  that  Douglas  died  at  his  home  in  Chicago  yesterday. 
The  service  he  rendered  the  country  since  the  assault  on 
Fort  Sumter  by  his  denunciations  of  the  secession  move- 
ment and  his  appeals  to  the  people  for  the  vigorous  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  have  had  an  influence  that  will  continue  as 
long  as  the  struggle  lasts.  His  speeches  in  behalf  of  the 
Union  entitle  him  to  the  gratitude  of  all  the  people  and  will 
give  his  memory  a  place  in  their  hearts  through  all  future 
years. 

Washington,  June  24,  1861. — The  Convention  of  loyal 
Virginia  delegates  now  in  session  in  Wheeling  have  re- 
pudiated the  ordinance  of  secession  passed  at  Richmond  on 
April  17th  and  declared  the  offices  of  Gov.  Letcher  and  all 
other  secession  officials  vacant.  The  Convention  therefore 
organized  a  new  state  government  with  Francis  H.  Pierpont 
dt  the  head  and  chose  senators  and  representatives  to  repre- 
sent the  state  in  Congress. 

Washington,  July  4,  1861. — Congress  convened  to-day 
in  accordance  with  my  call  issued  after  the  fall  of  Fort 
Sumter,  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  was  chosen 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  delivered  an 
earnest  and  eloquent  address  in  which  he  urged  the  most 


78        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

vigorous  and  determined  prosecution  of  the  war  to  sustain 
the  government ;  and  the  manner  in  which  his  appeal  was 
received  showed  that  his  sentiments  were  fully  shared  by 
the  representatives  of  other  states. 

In  my  message  I  recounted  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter 
and  other  aggressions  of  the  South  by  which  the  war  was 
forced  on  us,  and  also  the  measures  taken  by  the  Executive 
to  sustain  the  government,  asking  authority  to  enlist  400,- 

000  men  and  an  appropriation  of  $400,000,000  for  the 
prosecution  of  the  war.  At  the  close  of  my  message  I  de- 
clared that  I  had  been  very  reluctant  to  exercise  the  war 
power  of  the  government  in  defense  of  the  Union,  but  in 
view  of  the  dangers  which  threatened  our  free  institutions, 

1  could  not  shrink  from  the  duty  imposed  upon  me,  nor 

EVEN  COUNT  THE  CHANCES  OF  MY  OWU  LIFE  IN  PERFORM- 
ING  IT  ! 

Washington,  July  12,  1861. — Gen.  Scott  has  all  along 
contended  that  there  should  be  no  general  forward  move- 
ment of  our  army  until  our  troops  are  better  organized  and 
disciplined ;  but  the  cry  of  "On  to  Richmond"  has  become 
so  loud  and  incessant  and  the  desire  to  prevent  the  Rebel 
Congress  from  assembling  there  on  the  20th  inst.  is  so  gen- 
eral throughout  the  northern  states,  that  he  has  yielded  his 
objections  and  ordered  Gen.  McDowell  to  make  an  advance 
against  the  enemy's  forces  in  our  front  with  the  least  pos- 
sible delay. 

Washington,  July  18,  1861. — To-day  the  advance  di- 
vision of  Gen.  McDowell's  army  encountered  a  portion  of 
the  enemy's  forces  at  Blackford's  Ford  on  Bull  Run,  where 
an  engagement  occurred  with  no  other  result  than  the  loss 
of  some  seventy  or  eighty  men  on  each  side.  The  plan  of 
battle  devised  by  Gens.  Scott  and  McDowell.  I  have  every 
reason  to  believe,  is  a  good  one,  and  it  will  surely  result  in 
our  victory,  unless  some  unforeseen  cause  prevents  it.  I 
have  suffered  some  apprehensions  that  Gen.  Beauregard  in 
command  of  the  Southern  forces  will  be  re-enforced  by 
Gen.  Joseph  E.  Johnston  from  the  Shenandoah  Valley ;  but 
Gen.  Scott  has  given  particular  orders  to  Gen.  Robert  Pat- 
terson— whose  force  is  amply  sufficient  for  the  purpose — to 
keep  Johnston  in  check  and  prevent  his  coming  to  Beaure- 
gard's assistance  at  all  hazards,  so  I  am  trying  my  best  to 
keep  my  mind  easy  on  that  score. 


''  On  to  Richmond  " —  Back  to  Washington     79 

Last  night  I  dreamed  that  I  was  making  a  long  and 
weary  journey  on  a  rough  and  lonely  highway,  when  I 
was  caught  in  a  storm  which  lasted  several  hours,  during 
which  I  could  see  neither  sun  nor  stars ;  but  before  it  closed, 
I  raised  my  eyes  upward  and  saw  written  on  the  black 
sky  above  me  in  letters  that  looked  like  letters  of  fire,  the 
words,  "The  armies  of  the  Union  will  triumph — at  last  !" 
Then  I  awoke,  but  could  sleep  no  more. 

Washington,  July  21.  1861. — McDowell's  attack  on 
the  enemy  at  Bull  Run  began  this  morning;  and  soon  after 
dinner  we  began  to  receive  dispatches  from  the  battlefield, 
all  of  which  were  based  on  hearsay,  but  they  gradually  be- 
came more  definite  and  encouraging,  conveying  the  wel- 
come information  that  McDowell  had  driven  the  enemy  two 
or  three  miles  and  was  still  in  pursuit.  And  since  every- 
thing seemed  so  favorable,  I  ordered  my  carriage  and  took 
my  usual  afternoon  drive ;  but  as  soon  as  I  returned  I  re- 
ceived the  very  unwelcome  information  that  instead  of  the 
victory  indicated  in  the  dispatches  of  the  forenoon,  Mc- 
Dowell's forces  were  badly  routed  and  were  in  full  retreat 
toward  Washington. 

Dazed  and  disappointed  as  we  all  were,  the  Cabinet 
immediately  assembled  in  Gen.  Scott's  office,  when  we  all 
turned  our  attention  to  preparations  for  the  future.  All 
available  troops  were  ordered  to  McDowell's  support,  and 
McClellan  was  directed  to  come  down  to  the  Shenandoah 
Valley  with  all  the  troops  that  could  be  spared  from  Western 
Virginia.  A  number  of  non-combatants  who  had  accom- 
panied the  army  as  far  as  Centerville  arrived  about  mid- 
night and  gave  very  excited,  and  I  hope  greatly  exaggerated, 
accounts  of  the  panic  which  overtook  our  army. 

Washington.  July  22,  1861. — To-day  we  have  learned 
that  the  cause  of  yesterday's  panic  was  the  arrival  of  an  ad- 
ditional brigade  of  Johnston's  command  late  in  the  after- 
noon, our  men  not  knowing  that  they  had  been  fighting 
Johnston's  main  force  during  the  whole  day.  For  reasons 
that  we  can  not  now  determine  Patterson  did  nothing  to 
prevent  Johnson's  army  from  re-enforcing  Beauregard,  so 
that  McDowell  had  a  much  larger  force  opposed  to  him  than 
either  he  or  General  Scott  contemplated.  Such  seem  to  be 
the  fatalities  of  war. 


80        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

McClellan  Called  East — Fremont  Ordered  West. 

Washington,  July  24,  1861. — Telegrams  and  letters 
received  from  all  parts  of  the  country  show  that  great  as 
was  the  shock  of  McDowell's  defeat,  the  people  have  no 
idea  of  giving  up  the  struggle,  but  declare  as  with  one  voice 
that  the  war  must  go  on  until  the  rebellion  is  suppressed. 

That  the  battle  has  given  great  encouragement  to  the 
South  is  a  fact  that  must  be  recognized,  and  there  is  great 
danger  that  it  will  have  an  unfavorable  influence  on  Eur- 
opean governments ;  but  all  this  should  only  make  us  more 
diligent  and  earnest  in  our  task  of  prosecuting  the  war. 

For  my  own  part  instead  of  giving  way  to  any  feelings 
of  disappointment  or  discouragement,  I  have  prepared  a 
memorandum  of  future  operations,  which  I  am  hoping  to 
see  carried  into  effect :  First,  gather  a  force  sufficient  to 
move  against  Richmond  and  secure  its  capture ;  second, 
move  on  Cumberland  Gap  and  East  Tennessee  from  Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio ;  third,  send  an  expedition  down  the  Missis- 
sippi against  Memphis. 

My  life  has  been  fully  consecrated  to  the  task  of  pre- 
serving this  American  Union ;  and  I  am  resolved  that  no 
reverse  or  disaster  shall  dishearten  me  or  cause  me  to  doubt 
our  final  success. 

Gen.  McDowell  can  not  be  justly  censured  for  the  de- 
feat of  his  army  at  Bull  Run ;  nevertheless  it  has  been 
deemed  best  to  appoint  another  commander  for  the  army  in 
front  of  Washington ;  and  all  eyes  have  been  turned  to  Gen. 
Geo.  B.  McClellan  on  account  of  his  recent  signal  victories 
in  Western  Virginia.  Gen.  McClellan  has  accordingly  been 
commissioned  a  Major  General  in  the  regular  army  and  has 
been  ordered  to  report  in  Washington  without  delay.  Gen. 
Scott  has  a  very  high  opinion  of  McClellan's  ability  and 
predicts  a  brilliant  success  for  our  army  under  his  com- 
mand in  our  next  campaign. 

Washington,  July  25,  1861. — Gen.  McClellan  arrived 
in  Washington  to-day,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  his  task  of 
reorganizing  the  troops  in  and  about  Washington  and  pre- 
paring them  for  the  campaign  that  is  before  them.  General 
John  C.  Fremont  (also  commissioned  as  a  Major  General) 


McClellan  Called  to  Washington  81 

who  was  appointed  commander  of  the  western  department 
a  few  weeks  since,  arrived  at  his  post  of  duty,  St.  Louis, 
Mo.,  to-day,  and  entered  on  the  duties  pertaining  to  his  de- 
partment. The  country  is  much  pleased  with  these  two  ap- 
pointments and  naturally  expects  great  results  at  the  hands 
of  these  commanders,  in  which  expectation  I  trust  we  will 
not  be  disappointed. 

Washington,  August  7,  1861. — Congress  adjourned 
yesterday  after  a  session  of  one  month  and  two  days.  Dur- 
ing this  period  a  bill  was  passed  increasing  the  pay  of  pri- 
vate soldiers  in  the  army  from  eleven  to  thirteen  dollars  per 
month ;  also  a  bill  authorizing  the  enlistment  of  500,000 
soldiers  and  appropriating  $500,000,000  for  the  prosecution 
of  the  war;  also  a  bill  authorizing  a  national  loan  of  $250,- 
000,000  in  6  per  cent  bonds  running  twenty  years,  but  re- 
deemable at  the  pleasure  of  the  government  at  the  expira- 
tion of  five  years ;  also  a  bill  confiscating  the  property  of 
persons  actively  engaged  in  aiding  the  rebellion  and  setting 
free  the  slaves  of  such  persons ;  also  a  bill  legalizing  and 
declaring  valid  all  the  acts  of  the  Executive  having  refer- 
ence to  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  since  the  4th  of 
March.  These  various  acts  and  the  spirit  showed  by  Con- 
gress throughout  this  session,  I  am  persuaded,  will  be  satis- 
factory to  all  friends  of  the  Union,  and  will  go  far  toward 
convincing  foreign  governments  that  we  intend  to  preserve 
our  Union  at  any  and  every  cost. 

Washington,  August  25. — Secretary  Chase  arranged 
with  the  bankers  of  New  York,  Boston  and  Philadelphia 
for  a  loan  of  $50,000,000  a  few  days  since ;  and  in  the 
course  of  his  negotiations  with  them,  he  informed  them 
that  if  enough  gold  could  not  be  secured  to  tide  the  govern- 
ment over,  the  war  must  go  on,  if  paper  money  has  to  be 
issued  in  such  quantities  that  it  will  take  a  thousand  dollars 
to  buy  a  breakfast. 

Washington,  September  i,  1861.  —  Fremont's 
proclamation  of  August  30,  freeing  the  slaves  of  all  rebels 
in  his  department  and  confiscating  their  property  has  given 
me  no  small  degree  of  concern,  and  I  have  accordingly  di- 
rected him  to  modify  it  so  as  to  conform  to  the  act  of  Con- 
gress, approved  August  6th. 

For  this  action  I  have  encountered  some  very  severe 
6 


82        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

criticisms  from  people  I  hold  in  the  highest  esteem,  to  all 
of  whom  I  have  replied  by  reminding  them  that  sustaining 
this  proclamation  would  endanger  our  hold  on  Kentucky 
and  other  border  states.  And  I  have  also  reminded  them 
that  to  permit  so  great  a  stretch  of  power  on  the  part  of 
an  army  officer  would  tend  to  overthrow  our  free  govern- 
ment rather  than  to  preserve  it. 

Washington,  September  7,  1861. — Ulysses  S.  Grant, 
of  Illinois,  who  was  recently  commissioned  Brigadier  Gen- 
eral and  placed  in  command  at  Cairo,  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio  river,  by  Gen.  Fremont,  having  learned  the  occupancy 
of  Columbus,  Ky.,  by  Gen.  Polk,  of  the  Confederate  army 
on  the  5th  inst.,  hastily  organized  an  expedition  of  two  gun- 
boats and  some  1,800  troops  on  transports,  with  which  he 
moved  up  the  Ohio  river  by  night,  and  early  the  next  morn- 
ing took  possession  of  Paducah,  Ky.,  having  reached  the 
place  only  a  few  hours  in  advance  of  a  rebel  force  which 
Gen.  Polk  had  sent  to  take  possession  of  it.  This  movement 
of  Gen.  Grant  not  only  reveals  great  energy  and  enterprise, 
but  indicates  that  he  is  the  possessor  of  military  capacity 
that  is  likely  to  prove  of  service  to  the  country.     May  his 

TRIBE  increase. 

Washington,  November  2,  1861. — The  complaints 
against  Gen.  Fremont  for  inefficiency  have  become  so  loud 
and  persistent  and  so  clearly  sustained,  that  I  have  been 
very  reluctantly  compelled  to  relieve  him  and  direct  him  to 
turn  over  his  command  to  Gen.  Hunter.  I  have  struggled 
long  and  hard  against  the  necessity  of  this  action,  but  I 
must  do  what  the  interest  of  the  country  demands,  even  at 
the  risk  of  misconstruction  and  misrepresentation  and  the 
most  bitter  censure. 

On  account  of  his  age  and  physical  infirmities.  Gen. 
Scott  has  asked  to  be  relieved  from  his  duties  as  General- 
in-Chief  of  our  armies  and  Gen.  McClellan  has  been  ap- 
pointed in  his  place.  The  appointment  of  McClellan  seems 
to  be  entirely  acceptable  to  the  country,  as  the  greatest  con- 
fidence is   felt  in  his  fitness   for  this   responsible  position. 

Washington,  November  12,  1861. — Public  attention 
has  been  diverted  from  the  action — rather  the  non-action — 
of  our  armies  by  the  seizure  of  James  M.  Mason  and  John 
Slidell,  while  en  route  to  Europe  as  Confederate  envoys  in 
the  British  steamer  Trent.    This  seizure  was  made  by  Capt. 


The  Sleeping  Sentinel  83 

Wilkes  of  the  war  steamer  San  Jacinto  near  the  northern 
coast  of  Cuba,  the  prisoners  being  now  confined  in  Fort 
Warren,  Boston.  Our  people  are  loud  and  emphatic  in  their 
approval  of  Capt.  Wilkes'  act,  and  T  myself  greatly  admire 
his  loyalty  and  courage ;  but  the  seizure  conflicts  with  the 
doctrine  we  have  always  contended  for  as  to  the  rights  of 
neutral  vessels,  and  besides  I  fear  our  prisoners  will  be 
"white  elephants"  on  our  hands,  as  I  do  not  see  what  dis- 
position we  can  make  of  them. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
The  Sleeping  Sentinel. 

Washington,  September  15,  1861. — To-day  I  was 
waited  on  while  busy  at  work  by  L.  E.  Chittenden,  Register 
of  the  Treasury,  and  a  number  of  soldiers  belonging  to  a 
certain  Vermont  Regiment  with  their  Captain  at  their  head, 
who  begged  me  most  earnestly  to  spare  the  life  of  William 
Scott,  a  member  of  their  Regiment  who  was  sentenced  to 
be  shot  the  next  day  for  falling  asleep  while  on  picket  duty 
at  the  Chain  Bridge  over  the  Potomac  near  the  city.  They 
represented  that  Scott  was  a  good  soldier  but  that  he  was 
on  picket  guard  the  night  before  for  a  sick  comrade,  and 
was  simply  unable  to  keep  awake  two  nights  in  succession. 
After  hearing  their  story,  I  assured  them  that  Scott  should 
not  be  shot  until  I  had  time  to  look  into  his  case  more  fully, 
and  that  I  would  visit  the  camp  at  the  Chain  Bridge  some 
time  during  the  day  for  that  purpose.  To  Chittenden's  re- 
monstrance that  this  was  putting  too  heavy  a  burden  on  me, 
I  rephed  that  Scott's  life  was  as  dear  to  him  as  mine  was 
to  me,  quoting  the  remark  of  a  certain  Scotchman  concern- 
ing a  nobleman  of  his  acquaintance  who  had  been  beheaded, 
"It  was  only  the  matter  of  a  head,  but  it  was  very  valuable 
to  him,  for  it  was  the  only  one  he  had !" 

Later  in  the  day  I  went  up  to  the  camp  and  saw  Scott 
himself,  and,  after  talking  to  him  a  few  minutes  about  his 
home  and  his  neighbors  and  acquaintances,  I  asked 
him  if  he  had  a  mother,  when  he  proudly  showed  me  her 
photograph.  He  said  he  had  always  done  his  duty  as  a 
soldier  and  was  wilHng  to  die  in  battle  for  the  country,  but 
it  hurt  him  dreadfully  to  be  shot  like  a  dog  by  his  own  com- 
rades.    He  therefore  begged  me  to  fix  it  so  that  the  firing 


84        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

party  should  come  from  some  other  Regiment.  Then  I  said 
to  him,  "My  boy,  you  are  not  going  to  be  shot.  You  are 
going  back  to  your  Regiment  to  serve  your  country.  I  be- 
lieve you  when  you  say  you  couldn't  keep  awake  and  you 
shan't  die  for  going  to  sleep !"  "How  can  I  reward  you 
Mr.  President?"  he  asked  most  earnestly.  "By  doing  your 
duty  to  your  country  and  proving  yourself  a  true  soldier," 
I  replied  as  I  shook  hands  with  him  and  bade  him  goodbye. 

I  returned  to  the  city  feeling  greatly  relieved  from  the 
cares  and  labors  that  press  so  heavily  on  me  every  day,  be- 
lieving that  the  pardon  of  this  young  soldier  will  be  a  bet- 
ter "example"  to  the  army  than  his  execution  could  possibly 
be.  And  what  joy  and  pleasure  I  have  given  to  his  mother 
and  to  all  his  comrades  and  acquaintances ! 

Washington,  March  30,  1862. — In  an  interview  with 
L.  E.  Chittenden  to-day,  he  gave  me  an  account  of  the 
death  of  William  Scott,  the  soldier  whom  I  pardoned  last 
September  for  sleeping  on  his  post  of  guard  duty.  Scott 
was  mortally  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Lee's  Mills,  Chitten- 
den had  been  told  by  a  member  of  the  same  Regiment,  while 
carrying  a  wounded  comrade  from  the  field,  "If  any  of  you 
have  a  chance  to  see  President  Lincoln,"  said  Scott  as  he 
was  about  ready  to  die,  "tell  him  I  have  never  forgotten  the 
kind  words  he  said  to  me,  and  I  want  to  thank  him  with  my 
last  breath  that  he  gave  me  a  chance  to  die  on  the  battlefield 
instead  of  being  shot  by  my  comrades !" 

When  Chittenden  expressed  his  wish  that  my  action  in 
this  case  should  be  written  into  the  history  of  the  country 
I  could  only  answer  by  quoting  what  Jeanie  Deans  in 
Sir  Walter  Scott's  famous  novel,  "The  Heart  of  Midloth- 
ian," said  to  Queen  Caroline,  when  she  was  pleading 
for  the  life  of  her  sister:  "It  is  not  when  we  sleep  soft 
and  make  merry  oursells  that  we  think  on  ither  people's 
sufferings.  Our  hearts  are  waxed  light  within  us  then,  for 
we  are  righting  our  ain  wrongs  and  fighting  our  ain  battles. 
But  when  the  hour  of  troubles  comes  to  the  mind  or  the 
body — and  when  the  hour  of  death  comes,  that  comes  to 
high  and  low — oh,  then,  it  is  not  what  we  have  dune  for 
oursells  but  what  we  have  dune  for  ithers,  that  we  think 
on  maist  pleasantly !" 


'All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac!''  85 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
"All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac!" 

Washington,  November  20,  1861. — At  his  own  re- 
quest Gen.  William  T.  Sherman  has  been  relieved  of  his 
command  at  Louisville,  Ky.,  and  Gen.  Don  Carlos  Buell 
has  been  appointed  in  his  place.  Gen.  Buell  is  said  to  be 
a  thoroughly  trained  soldier,  and  it  is  believed  he  will  place 
the  affairs  of  that  department  in  the  shape  that  the  needs 
of  the  service  call  for. 

On  the  recommendation  of  Gen.  Scott,  Henry  W.  Hal- 
leck  has  been  commissioned  a  Major  General,  and  in  ac- 
cordance with  orders  has  assumed  command  at  St.  Louis, 
Missouri.  He  has  already  revealed  great  energy  and  effi- 
ciency in  the  organization  and  discipline  of  the  troops  under 
his  command. 

Washington,  December  i,  1861. — Troops  have  been 
forwarded  to  Washington  in  such  numbers  since  McClellan 
has  assumed  command,  and  the  expenses  of  the  war  have 
assumed  such  fearful  proportions  that  the  country  very 
naturally  wants  to  see  a  forward  movement  of  McClel- 
lan's  forces  against  the  enemy.  I  have  had  several  inter- 
views with  the  General  in  which  I  have  kindly  urged  this 
necessity  upon  him  and  kindly  reminded  that  the  cry  of 
"All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac,"  is  becoming  very  monotonous 
and  unsatisfactory  to  the  country.  I  have  even  gone  so  far 
after  carefully  studying  maps  of  the  country  and  more  or 
less  war  history,  as  to  urge  upon  him  a  movement  against 
one  or  both  of  the  enemy's  flanks;  but  he  has  replied  by 
positively  assuring  me  that  he  is  almost  ready  to  strike  the 
blow  which  will  completely  suppress  the  rebellion;  and  I 
can  not  assume  the  responsibility  of  ordering  him  to  make 
a  movement  against  his  own  judgment.  I  have  heard  a 
great  many  say  that  McClellan  is  giving  too  much  attention 
to  "politics;"  but  I  am  not  concerned  about  his  political 
views,  if  he  will  only  give  us  the  vigorous  movement  against 
the  enemy  that  he  has  so  long  promised  us  and  for  which 
he  has  been  furnished  so  large  an  army. 

Washington,  December  4,   1861. — In  my  message  to 
Congress  which  reopened  to-day,  I  was  happy  to  recount 


86        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


that  all  danger  of  secession  in  the  states  of  Kentucky,  Mary- 
land and  Missouri  is  past,  and  that  these  three  states  have 
an  aggregate  of  some  40,000  men  enlisted  in  the  Union 
army.  I  was  also  happy  to  state  that  we  had  obtained  a 
sure  foothold  on  the  seacoast  of  the  seceded  states  at  Hat- 
teras,  Port  Royal  and  Tybee  Island. 

Secretary  Chase  estimates  that  the  public  debt,  which 
was  only  $90,000,000  at  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year,  June 
30,  will  be  over  $500,000,000  on  June  30,  1862.  This  is  a 
truly  appalling  sum ;  but  great  is  my  faith  in  the  patriotism 
of  the  people  and  the  resources  of  the  country — and  in  Sec- 
retary Chase. 

That  portion  of  Secretary  Cameron's  report  in  which 
he  recommended  the  arming  of  slaves  was  not  transmitted 
to  Congress,  as  I  could  not  give  it  my  approval. 

Washington^  December  25,  1861. — Secretary  Seward 
has  addressed  a  note  to  Lord  Lyons,  the  British  Minister, 
surrendering  Mason  and  Slidell  to  the  demand  of  the  British 
government  on  the  ground  that  when  Capt.  Wilkes  seized 
the  envoys  he  should  have  taken  them  before  a  maritime 
prize  court  for  a  determination  of  the  question  whether  they 
were  contraband  of  war  or  not.  That  there  is  some  na- 
tional humiliation  connected  with  this  termination  of  the 
case  can  not  be  denied,  but  we  can  not  afford  a  war  with 
England  at  this  time.  Moreover  I  am  satisfied  that  the  Con- 
federate government  wanted  us  to  refuse  the  British  de- 
mand, hoping  we  would  orovoke  the  British  government  to 
recognize  the  independence  of  the  Confederacy. 

Gen.  McClellan's  illness  at  this  time  forbids  any  for- 
ward movement  of  his  troops,  and  the  preparations  for 
an  active  campaign  will  continue  under  the  direction  of  his 
subordinates.  Meantime  the  rest  of  us  will  have  to  obey 
the  Scriptural  command,  "Let  patience  have  her  perfect 
work !" 

Washington,  January  i,  1862. — Inasmuch  as  both  the 
banks  and  the  government  have  been  compelled  to  begin  the 
New  Year  with  the  suspension  of  specie  payments,  the  ques- 
tion of  issuing  legal  tender  notes  as  a  necessary  war  meas- 
ure is  beginning  to  press  itself  on  my  administration ;  and  I 
fear  we  will  have  to  meet  it  sooner  or  later — perhaps  both 
sooner  and  later. 

Washington,  January   10,   1862. — On  account  of  the 


"All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac!"  87 

illness  with  which  Gen.  McClellan  was  attacked  in  Decem- 
ber, I  have  given  many  days  and  nights  to  studying  the  mil- 
itary situation;  and  I  am  fully  convinced  that  McClellan's 
army  of  200,000  men  should  give  some  other  report  of  itself 
than  the  stereotyped  "All  quiet  on  the  Potomac,"  of  which 
the  country  has  become  so  weary.  I  accordingly  sent  for 
Gens.  McDowell  and  Franklin  and  had  a  confidential  in- 
terview with  them  in  reference  to  the  feasibility  of  an  im- 
mediate advance  upon  the  enemy,  without  telling  them  what 
I  had  proposed  to  McClellan  a  month  since.  Gen.  Mc- 
Dowell at  once  suggested  the  same  plan,  and  Gen.  Frank- 
lin acquiesced  in  it,  although  he  rather  preferred  a  move- 
ment against  Richmond  by  way  of  York  river.  I  thereupon 
requested  them  to  meet  me  again  on  the  13th  inst.  For  sev- 
eral nights  past,  as  I  have  lain  on  my  bed,  half  awake  and 
half  asleep,  I  have  fancied  I  could  see  those  words,  "All 
quiet  on  the  Potomac!"  on  the  walls  of  my  bedchamber; 
and  whenever  I  notice  them  in  our  daily  newspapers,  I  can 
almost  hear  a  murmur  of  weariness  and  impatience  from  all 
parts  of  the  country. 

Washington,  January  13,  1862.  —  At  the  adjourned 
conference  with  Gens.  McDowell  and  Franklin  to-day,  Gen. 
McClellan  and  Secretary  Chase  also  being  present.  Gen. 
McDowell  outlined  his  plan  and  advised  an  immediate  for- 
ward movement,  explaining  to  McClellan  that  he  was  act- 
ing under  my  orders,  to  which  McClellan  coolly  answered, 
"Of  course,  you  are  entitled  to  any  opinion  you  please  to 
hold."  He  then  without  considering  the  merits  of  Mc- 
Dowell's plan,  proceeded  to  urge  the  need  of  more  reen- 
forcements  before  he  could  make  the  decisive  campaign 
which  would  end  the  war.  Secretary  Chase  then  asked  him 
the  point  blank  question  what  he  intended  to  do  with 
HIS  ARMY  AND  WHEN  HE  EXPECTED  TO  DO  IT !  This  he  re- 
fused to  answer,  unless  required  by  me.  Seeing  how  em- 
barrassing the  situation  had  become,  I  then  asked  McClellan 
if  he  had  a  definite  time  fixed  in  his  mind  for  an  advance 
movement,  to  which  he  promptly  replied  that  he  had.  With- 
out asking  him  to  name  that  time  I  thereupon  adjourned 
the  meeting. 

Washington,  January  14,  1862. — Secretary  Cameron 
having  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet,  I  have  made  him 
Minister  to  Russia,  and  have  appointed  Edwin  M.  Stanton 


88         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Secretary  of  War  in  his  place.  Some  of  Mr.  Stanton's 
criticisms  of  my  Administration  and  his  unfavorable  opin- 
ion of  my  fitness  for  the  Presidency  have  come  to  my  ears ; 
but  the  signal  services  he  rendered  the  country  during  the 
last  few  weeks  of  Buchanan's  administration  satisfy  me 
that  he  will  make  a  very  capable  and  efficient  Secretary 
of  War,  and  for  this  reason  I  have  asked  him  to  become  a 
member  of  my  Cabinet. 

Washington,  January  i6,  1862. — The  report  of  the 
signal  victory  won  by  Colonel  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio, 
over  the  superior  forces  of  Humphrey  Marshall  at  Middle 
Creek,  Ky.,  a  few  days  since,  reads  more  like  a  fairy  tale 
than  actual  history ;  and  he  has  been  rewarded  wdth  a 
Brigadier  General's  commission.  In  view  of  what  Garfield 
accomplished  with  a  single  brigade,  what  great  results  must 
we  expect  from  the  Potomac  army  when  once  it  moves 
against  the  rebel  forces  now  encamped  so  near  to  Wash- 
ington ! 

Washington,  January  22,  1862. — Colonel  Garfield's 
victory  at  Middle  Creek,  Ky.,  has  been  followed  by  the  de- 
feat of  the  rebel  generals,  Crittenden  and  Zollicofifer,  at 
Mill  Springs,  in  which  action  Gen.  ZollicoflFer  was  killed, 
and  the  rebel  forces  were  compelled  to  make  a  hasty  re- 
treat, barely  escaping  capture.  General  George  H. 
Thomas,  who  was  in  command  of  the  Union  forces  in  this 
battle,  showed  a  degree  of  energy  and  determination  which 
entitle  him  to  the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  country. 

Washington,  January  27,  1862. — Believing  that  I 
have  even  more  than  fulfilled  the  scriptural  command  to 
let  patience  have  her  perfect  work,  in  waiting  for  a  com- 
bined movement  of  our  forces  under  Gens.  McClellan, 
Buell  and  Halleck,  I  have  issued  an  Executive  order  for  a 
general  forward  movement  of  all  the  land  and  naval  forces 
of  the  government  on  or  before  the  coming  22d  of  Febru- 
ary. I  have  done  this  because  I  am  convinced  that  further 
delay  would  be  ruinous  to  our  cause,  and  because  I  can  not 
longer  endure  the  strain  to  which  I  have  been  subject  by 
day  and  night  for  so  many  weeks.  I  can  not  endure  the 
cry  of  "All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac"  any  longer. 

Washington,  January  31,  1862. — In  addition  to  the 
general  order  for  a  forward  movement  of  all  our  armies  is- 
sued on  the  27th  inst.,  I  have  sent  a  special  order  to  Gen. 


"All  Quiet  on  the  Potomac!"  89 

McClellan  that  after  leaving  a  sufficient  force  to  protect 
Washington,  he  shall  move  with  the  rest  of  the  Potomac 
army,  aiming  to  strike  the  railroad  at  some  point  southwest 
of  Manassas  Junction. 

Washington,  February  2,  1862. — McClellan's  objec- 
tions to  my  special  order  and  his  arguments  in  favor  of  the 
Chesapeake  route  are  so  persistent  and  urgent,  that  I  have 
refrained  from  making  the  order  peremptory ;  but  at  the 
same  time  I  am  not  ready  to  accept  his  plan.  If  I  only  pos- 
sessed the  military  genius  of  a  Caesar  or  a  Napoleon,  the 
question  would  soon  be  decided.  Gen.  McClellan  persists 
in  his  claim  that  the  rebel  forces  in  his  front  are  very  much 
larger  than  his,  which  seems  to  me  utterly  incredible. 

Washington,  February  6,  1862. — After  earnestly  ask- 
ing and  at  length  obtaining  permission  from  Gen  Halleck 
to  conduct  an  expedition  up  the  Cumberland  river  for  an 
attack  on  Fort  Henry,  General  Grant  started  the  next  day 
with  some  ten  thousand  men  on  transports  and  seven  gun- 
boats under  Commodore  Andrew  H.  Foote;  and  to-day  he 
sent  a  dispatch  saying,  "Fort  Henry  is  ours;  I  shall  take 
and  destroy  Fort  Donelson  without  delay !" 

Washington,  February  12,  1862. — Feeling  very  re- 
luctant either  to  require  McClellan  to  adopt  my  plan  of 
campaign  or  to  accept  his,  I  called  a  council  of  twelve  gen- 
erals to  pass  on  the  question,  and  to  my  surprise,  found 
eight  of  tliem  on  his  side,  which  caused  me  to  yield  to  him, 
on  condition  that  he  first  proceed  to  open  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad  and  clear  the  Potomac  river  of  the  rebel 
batteries  which  have  so  long  obstructed  navigation  below 
the  city,  and  that  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  should  be 
left  at  Washington  to  secure  its  safety  from  attack.  My  ac- 
ceptance of  McClellan's  plan  is  contrary  to  the  judgment  of 
Secretary  Stanton,  but  he  is  giving  his  utmost  energies  to 
the  necessary  preparations. 

Washington.  February  15,  1862. — My  anxiety  con- 
cerning the  forward  movement  of  the  Potomac  army  has 
been  considerably  relieved  —  rather  diverted  —  by  Gen. 
Grant's  capture  of  Fort  Henry  and  his  movement  against 
Fort  Donelson.  For  some  reason  Gen.  Buell  has  failed  to 
give  him  any  assistance ;  but  we  are  hopeful  that  the  new 
regiments  sent  to  him  from  Ohio  and  other  northern  states 
will  give  him  a  force  sufficient  for  his  purpose.    Last  night 


90         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

I  dreamed  I  saw  him  riding  at  the  head  of  his  army  and 
receiving  the  surender  of  the  rebel  troops  within  the  fort, 
while  the  cheers  of  his  soldiers  could  be  heard  for  miles  in 
all  directions. 

Washington,  February  17,  1862. — The  glorious  news 
has  just  reached  us  that  Gen.  Grant  captured  Fort  Donel- 
son  on  the  Tennessee  river  with  ten  or  twelve  thousand 
prisoners  yesterday,  after  informing  Gen.  Buckner,  the  of- 
ficer in  command,  that  no  terms  but  immediate  and  uncon- 
ditional surrender  would  be  accepted.  This  victory  of  Gen. 
Grant's  will,  I  feel  certain,  compel  the  evacuation  of  Nash- 
ville, Tenn.,  and  Columbus,  Ky.,  and  prepare  the  way  for 
the  opening  of  the  Mississippi  river.  It  pains  me  not  a  lit- 
tle that  our  soldiers  had  to  suffer  as  they  did  from  cold 
weather,  and  that  our  victory  had  to  be  purchased  with  the 
loss  of  so  many  lives;  but  such  is  the  price  we  have  to  pay 
for  the  preservation  of  our  government. 

Washington,  February  21,  1862. — In  addition  to  my 
anxiety  about  the  advance  of  the  Potomac  army,  I  am 
called  to  endure  the  loss  of  a  beloved  child,  not  yet  in  his 
teens,  who  was  the  light  of  my  life  and  the  joy  of  my  life. 
How  dark  and  mysterious  and  past  finding  out  are  the  ways 
of  Divine  Providence.  But  while  I  can  not  understand  the 
reason  of  this  affliction,  it  will  cause  me  to  sympathize  more 
deeply  with  the  fathers  and  mothers  who  are  giving  their 
young  sons  to  the  service  of  the  country.  And  I  verily  feel 
that  the  Almighty  is  laying  his  chastening  hand  upon  me 
and  promising  me,  that  if  I  prove  faithful  to  my  task  and 
put  my  trust  in  Him,  He  will  direct  all  my  steps  ! 

Washington,  February  25,  1862. — Not  without  mis- 
givings and  after  the  most  serious  consideration  I  have 
signed  the  bill  for  the  issuing  of  $150,000,000  in  govern- 
ment notes  which  are  to  be  a  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  pub- 
lic and  private,  except  custom  duties  and  interest  on  the 
public  debt.  I  know  no  express  warrant  in  the  Constitu- 
tion for  this  enactment ;  but  it  is  a  necessary  war  measure, 
and  I  believe  the  people  will  sustain  it  and  eventually  make 
these  paper  dollars  as  good  as  gold  and  silver  dollars. 

The  complaints  against  Gen.  McClellan's  slowness  still 
continue,  but  he  has  such  a  hold  on  his  army  and  is  so  em- 
phatic in  his  assurances  that  he  will  push  the  enemy  to  the 
wall  and  capture  Richmond,  that  I  can  not  withdraw  my 


McClellan's  Peninsular  Campaign  91 

confidence  from  him.  Besides,  if  I  should  remove  him,  I 
know  no  General  whom  I  would  feel  safe  in  putting  in 
command  of  his  army. 

Washington,  March  9,  1862. — This  has  been  a  day 
full  of  news  at  Washington.  Early  in  the  morning  we  had 
the  story  of  the  destruction  of  our  war  vessels  in  Hampton 
Roads  by  the  rebel  ship  Merrimac,  and  later  in  the  day 
came  the  information  that  the  little  Monitor  had  arrived 
there  and  won  a  signal  victory  over  the  Merrimac,  although 
not  destroying  her.  Also  during  the  day  we  learned  that  the 
batteries  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  river  were  abandoned, 
and  following  this  was  the  astounding  information  that 
Gen.  Jos.  E.  Johnston  had  abandoned  his  position  at  Ma- 
nassas Junction  and  was  retreating  southward.  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan  immediately  moved  his  whole  army  in  that  direc- 
tion— what  for  I  know  not ;  but  unless  his  proposed  move- 
ment by  the  peninsular  route  proves  successful,  I  shall  re- 
gret to  my  dying  day  that  he  did  not  make  the  flank  attack 
on  Johnston's  forces  that  I  urged  upon  him. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
McClellan's  Peninsular  Campaign. 

Washington,  March  11,  1862. — Feeling  satisfied  that 
Gen.  McClellan  will  have  enough  work  to  do  as  commander 
of  the  Potomac  army  and  realizing  that  on  account  of  the 
differences  of  opinion  and  lack  of  cooperation  between 
Gens.  Halleck  and  Buell,  their  forces  should  be  put  under 
the  command  of  a  single  general,  I  have  issued  an  order 
limiting  McClellan's  command  to  the  department  of  the  Po- 
tomac and  placing  Gen.  Halleck  in  command  of  the  western 
or  Mississippi  department.  Gen.  Fremont  to  command  the 
Mountain  or  Middle  department. 

In  all  the  history  of  the  world  I  don't  suppose  that  any 
other  army  commander  ever  established  such  a  reputation 
as  McClellan  has  on  the  victories  he  is  going  to  win ! 

Washington,  March  13,  1862.— Gen.  Burnside  has 
added  to  his  previous  successes  on  the  North  Carolina  coast, 
the  capture  of  Newbern,  the  principal  seaport  of  ihat  state. 

I  have  just  signed  the  act  of  congress  providing  a  new- 
article  of  war,  which  forbids  army  officers  to  employ  any 


92         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

of  the  forces  under  their  command  for  the  return  of  fugi- 
tive slaves  to  their  masters. 

Washixgtox,  April  i,  1862. — Gen.  AlcClellan  having 
changed  his  plan  from  the  Urbana  route  to  a  movement 
against  Richmond  by  way  of  Fortress  Monroe,  has  at  last 
set  his  army  in  motion  to  my  almost  infinite  relief.  If  he 
will  put  the  same  energ}-  and  efficiency  into  his  campaign 
that  he  has  shown  in  the  organization  and  discipline  of  his 
forces,  he  can  not  fail  to  give  us  the  victory  he  has  so  long 
promised. 

Washington,  April  8,  1862. — Gen.  Grant's  army  at 
Pittsburg  Landing  on  the  Tennessee  river  was  surprised 
and  attacked  very  early  in  the  morning  of  Sunday  the  6th 
inst.,  by  the  Confederate  forces  under  Gen.  A.  S.  Johnson, 
who  was  killed  in  the  action.  During  the  day  one  of 
Grant's  divisions  was  captured,  and  others  suffered  serious 
losses  in  both  killed  and  wounded.  Fortunately,  however, 
Gen.  Wallace's  division  and  Gen.  Buell's  forces  arrived  in 
time  to  take  part  in  the  next  day's  fight,  when  the  rebel 
forces  under  Gen.  Beauregard  were  compelled  to  make  a 
hasty  retreat  to  Corinth,  Miss.,  the  position  they  were  oc- 
cupying before  the  battle. 

Washington,  April  16,  1862. — I  have  this  day  signed 
the  bill  passed  by  both  houses  of  Congress  for  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  is  very  similar 
to  the  one  I  introduced  in  the  house  of  representatives  dur- 
ing my  congressional  term  in  1847!  This  bill  sets  free  all 
persons  now  held  as  slaves  in  the  District  with  their  de- 
scendants, and  appropriates  $1,000,000  for  the  compensa- 
tion of  loyal  owners  at  an  average  rate  of  $300  for  each 
slave  so  freed.  So  the  flag  of  freedom  will  henjceforth 
float  over  our  Xational  Capital ! 

Washington,  ]May  5,  1862. — After  reducing  and  cap- 
turing Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  below  New  Orleans, 
Commodore  Farragut  moved  his  gunboats  up  the  river  to 
that  city,  and  on  the  ist  inst.  took  possession  of  the  same 
with  his  troops.  The  value  of  this  victory  can  hardly  be 
overestimated ;  for  when  Gen.  Halleck  moves  his  forces 
down  to  ^Memphis  we  can  look  for  a  speedy  opening  of  the 
Mississippi  river,  which  will  cut  the  Confederacy  in  twain 
and  insure  its  overthrow. 

Washington,  May  8,  1862. — After  prosecuting  a  siege 


McClellan's  Peninsular  Campaign  93 

of  a  full  month — a  siesta  some  military  critics  pronounce 
it — against  the  rebel  forces  and  works  at  Yorktown,  his 
troops  suffering  greatly  from  disease,  McClellan  found  just 
as  he  was  ready  to  open  on  them  with  the  siege  guns  he  had 
waited  for  so  many  precious  days,  that  the  position  was 
abandoned,  and  that  the  rebel  forces  were  in  retreat  toward 
Richmond.  A  pursuit  was  immediately  ordered,  and  the 
enemy  was  overtaken  at  ^^'illiamsburg  where  a  severe  en- 
gagement occurred  with  considerable  loss  on  both  sides,  the 
rebels  evacuating  that  place  after  the  battle.  Gen.  ]McClel- 
lan  did  not  appear  on  the  field  until  the  battle  was  nearly 
over,  and  failed  to  pursue  the  Confederate  forces  on  their 
retreat,  which  many  critics  believe  might  have  been  made 
a  complete  rout. 

Washington,  ]May  9,  1862. — I  have  written  a  letter 
to  ]\IcClellan,  kindly  reminding  him  that  in  view  of  the 
large  force  under  his  comand,  it  is  high  time  for  him  to 
strike  a  blow ;  for  the  country  is  taking  note  that  his  failure 
to  move  against  an  intrenched  enemy  is  but  the  story  of 
Manassas  repeated.  Why  must  I  have  to  endure  this  fear- 
ful strain?  \\'hy  must  I  wait  so  long  for  the  victory  he  has 
promised?  Stanton  claims  that  if  ^IcClellan  had  a  million 
men  in  his  army,  he  could  do  nothing  till  he  got  two  million, 
and  when  he  got  the  second  million  he  would  yell  for  still 
another  million ! 

Washington,  May  12,  1862. — Gen.  Hunter,  in  com- 
mand of  the  department  composed  of  Georgia,  Florida  and 
South  Carolina,  has  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  that 
as  slavery  and  martial  law  are  incompatible  in  a  free 
country,  all  slaves  in  his  department  are  declared  free. 
This  proclamation  I  have  set  aside  on  the  ground  that  in 
view  of  my  great  responsibility  I  must  reserv^e  to  myself  to 
decide  the  question  whether  such  an  exer(cise  of  power  is 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  government.  But  this 
slavery  question 

Washington,  May  22,  1862. — Xews  has  reached  us 
that  Beauregard's  army  has  evacuated  Corinth,  ^Miss.,  and 
that  Gen.  Halleck,  who  took  the  field  in  person  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Shiloh  (or  Pittsburg  Landing),  had  oc- 
cupied the  place.  As  Corinth  is  the  junction  point  of  the 
Central  Mississippi  and  the  ^Memphis  and  Charleston  rail- 
roads, the  possession  of  it  will  be  \try  valuable  to  us  in  our 


94        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

future  operations  in  Mississippi.  Not  being  a  military  man 
I  do  not  feel  qualified  to  criticise  Gen.  Halleck's  "Siege  of 
Corinth" ;  but  it  is  hard  for  me  to  see  why  with  his  largely 
superior  force,  he  allowed  Beauregard  to  evacuate  the  place 
with  little  or  no  loss  of  either  men  or  war  material. 

Washington,  June  2,  1862. — While  he  was  waiting 
for  good  roads  and  good  weather  and  all  other  favorable 
conditions  before  making  his  attack  on  the  rebel  forces  near 
Richmond,  McClellan's  left  Wing — his  two  wings  being 
separated  by  the  Chickahominy  river  —  was  vigorously  at- 
tacked by  Gen.  Johnston  at  Fair  Oaks  (or  Seven  Pines)  day 
before  yesterday.  Our  forces  would  doubtless  have  been 
badly  beaten  had  not  Gen.  Sumner  obtained  permission  for 
his  corps  to  cross  the  rapidly  rising  river  on  two  hastily 
constructed  bridges,  by  which  means  the  day  was  saved 
and  a  substantial  victory  won  by  our  forces.  McClellan 
arrived  on  the  field  at  night  but  brought  no  reenforcements, 
so  that  the  rebel  retreat  which  took  place  after  some  desul- 
tory fighting  the  next  day,  was  not  followed  up.  Gen. 
Johnston  was  severely  wounded  in  this  battle,  whereupon, 
by  appointment  of  Jefferson  Davis,  who  personally  partic- 
ipated in  the  engagement,  Gen.  Robert  E.  Lee  assumed 
command  of  the  rebel  forces. 

Washington,  June  6,  1862. — News  of  the  capture  of 
Memphis,  Tenn.,  follows  close  on  the  news  of  the  evacua- 
tion of  Corinth,  which  gives  me  great  hope  that  our  land 
and  naval  forces  acting  from  both  above  and  below  will 
soon  open  the  Alississippi  river  and  determine  the  fate  of 
the  Confederacy. 

Washington,  June  18,  1862. — After  a  very  energetic 
and  I  must  confess,  brilliant  campaign  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  during  which  he  eluded  all  our  plans  to  surround 
and  capture  him  and  defeated  in  detail  the  forces  of  Banks, 
Shields  and  Fremont,  that  were  operating  against  him, 
"Stonewall"  Jackson  moved  the  greater  part  of  his  com- 
mand in  the  direction  of  Richmond,  doubtless  for  the  pur- 
pose of  re-enforcing  Lee.  If  a  portion  of  Jackson's  spirit 
could  be  communicated  to  all  the  officers  of  the  Potomac 
army,  Richmond  would  soon  be  ours. 

Washington,  June  19,  1862. — I  have  just  signed  the 
bill  passed  by  Congress  for  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  all 
the  territories  of  the  United  States.    As  the  principle  of  this 


McClellan's  Peninsular  Campaign  96 

bill  has  always  been  the  corner  stone  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  as  the  bill  itself  is  a  return  to  the  policy  of  our 
revolutionary  fathers,  I  have  given  my  signature  to  it  most 
gladly  and  most  gratefully,  and  I  am  certain  it  will  never- 
more be  repealed. 

Washington,  June  20,  1862. — In  response  to  a  request 
of  northern  governors,  I  have  just  issued  a  call  for  300,- 
000  more  volunteers.  I  have  also  signed  the  taxation  bill, 
which  in  addition  to  numerous  other  provisions,  places  a  tax 
of  three  per  cent,  per  annum,  on  personal  incomes  of  less 
than  $10,000  and  of  five  per  cent  on  all  over  that  amount. 

Washington,  July  4,  1862. — The  "seven  days  battles" 
in  front  of  Richmond,  which  began  with  the  rebel  repulse  at 
Mechanicsville  and  Porter's  defeat  at  Gaines  Mill  the  next 
day  for  lack  of  reenforcements,  ended  with  the  repulse  of 
the  rebel  forces  at  Malvern  Hill  on  the  ist  inst.  It  is 
thought  by  many  that  if  this  repulse  of  the  enemy  had  been 
followed  up,  Richmond  might  have  been  taken,  but  Gen. 
McClellan  had  made  all  his  arrangements  for  a  retreat  to 
Harrison's  Landing  on  the  James  river,  and  to  that  point 
his  victorious  army  moved  the  next  day,  where  it  is  now 
encamped.     What  next? 

Gen.  McClellan  estimates  his  loss  at  about  15,000  men 
which  is  certainly  an  appalling  sacrifice.  No  one  has  ever 
accused  McClellan  of  physical  cowardice,  but  it  seems 
strange  to  me  that  he  has  never  yet  commanded  his  troops 
in  person  on  the  day  of  battle.  I  have  heard  of  many 
cases  where  generals  have  turned  defeat  into  substantial  vic- 
tory ;  but  this  is  the  first  time  I  have  ever  known  a  substan- 
tial victory  to  be  turned  into  inglorious  retreat  and  such 
fearful  disaster. 

Last  night,  however,  I  again  dreamed  that  I  was  caught 
in  a  fearful  storm  while  traveling  on  a  rough  and  very  dif- 
ficult highway,  when  I  again  saw  it  written  in  letters  of 
fire  on  the  dark  sky  above  me,  that  the  armies  of  the  Union 
would  triumph — at  last ! 

Harrison's  Landing,  Va.,  July  7,  1862. — In  order  to 
get  some  clear  notion  of  the  situation  at  this  place  I  have 
come  here  for  a  personal  examination  and  a  conference  with 
Gen.  McClellan.  He  is  very  anxious  to  conduct  another 
campaign  against  the  enemy,  making  the  James  river  his 
base;  but,  as  usual,  he  wants  larger  reenforcements  (100,- 


96         Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

000  men)  than  we  can  possibly  furnish.  His  subordinate 
ofificers  are  divided  in  their  opinions  on  the  question 
whether  a  campaign  should  be  attempted  from  this  point  or 
the  army  should  be  returned  to  Washington;  so  I  can  not 
take  the  responsibility  of  deciding  what  to  do  without  fur- 
ther consideration. 

Washington,  July  12,  1862.  —  Congress  being  about 
ready  to  adjourn,  I  have  held  a  second  conference  with 
the  border  state  senators  and  representatives  and  urged 
them  to  favor  my  proposals  for  gradual  emancipation,  but 
got  no  other  response  from  them,  than  that  they  would 
give  it  respectful  consideration. 

Washington,  July  17,  1862. — I  have  signed  the  bill 
which  provides  that  all  slaves  of  rebels  coming  into  the  pos- 
session or  under  the  protection  of  the  government  shall  be 
deemed  captives  of  war  and  be  set  free,  that  no  person  en- 
gaged in  the  service  of  the  government  shall  surrender 
fugitives,  and  that  the  President  may  employ  persons  of  the 
African  race  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  in  any 
manner  that  he  deems  best.  This  gives  my  administration 
discretion  and  authority  to  enlist  negro  soldiers,  which  from 
present  appearances,  is  very  likely  to  become  necessary  be- 
fore the  contest  is  concluded. 

The  responses  to  my  call  for  300,000  more  volunteers 
are  not  all  I  could  wish,  but  the  governors  are  urging  the 
work  forward,  and  throughout  all  the  northern  states  the 
volunteers  are  singing  and  shouting: 
"We  are  coming.  Father  Abraham,  three  hundred  thousand 

more; 
We  are  coming,  Father  Abraham,  the  Union  to  restore!" 

Washington,  July  20,  1862.  —  In  reply  to  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Cuthbert  Bullitt  complaining  of  /certain  military 
operations  at  New  Orleans,  I  have  asked  him  whether,  if 
he  were  in  my  place,  he  would  prosecute  the  war  with  elder 
stalk  squirts  charged  with  rose-water.  I  have  also  re- 
minded him  that  I  am  doing  all  I  can  to  save  the  Union, 
but  am  doing  nothing  in  malice,  as  the  issues  I  am  dealing 
with  are  too  vast  for  any  action  that  even  savors  of  malice ! 

I  have  signed  the  Morrill  tariff  bill  which  largely  in- 
creases the  duties  on  imports,  and  will  no  doubt,  give 
needed  protection  to  many  of  our  home  industries. 

Washington,  July  22,   1862. — For  some  time  past  I 


McClellan's  Peninsular  Campaign  97 

have  been  considering  the  question  of  issuing  a  proclama- 
tion of  emancipation ;  and  I  have  wrestled  with  the  argu- 
ments pro  and  con  until  my  very  thigh  bones,  like  Jacob's 
of  old,  are  shrunken  or  feel  very  weary,  if  they  are  not 
shrunken.  On  the  one  hand  is  my  reluctance  to  exercise 
any  unnecessary  power  and  authority,  together  with  the 
recollection  of  my  oft-repeated  declaration  that  my  admin- 
istration would  not  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery 
where  it  already  exists ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  is  the 
clear  sense  of  my  obligation  to  maintain  the  government 
over  which  the  people  have  called  me  to  preside.  At 
length,  however,  I  have  determined  that  emancipation  must 
be  proclaimed,  if  this  government  is  to  be  saved  from  de- 
struction. Accordingly  at  the  Cabinet  meeting  to-day,  I 
made  known  my  decision,  but  asked  them  all  to  give  me 
any  points  or  suggestions  that  might  be  in  their  minds. 
There  was  a  general  acquiescence  in  the  justice  and  neces- 
sity of  such  action ;  but  Seward  advised  that  the  proclama- 
tion be  withheld  until  there  was  some  improvement  in  the 
military  situation,  as  he  thought  that  coming  immediately 
after  our  recent  reverses,  "it  would  sound  like  the  last 
shriek  on  a  retreat."  I  have  acceded  to  this  view,  but  I 
have  promised  my  Maker  that  I  will  issue  such  a  proclama- 
tion as  soon  as  He  gives  us  the  military  success  that  will 
justify  it. 

Washington,  July  26,  1862. — In  accordance  with  my 
orders  Gen.  H.  W.  Halleck  has  assumed  command  as  Gen- 
eral-in-chief  of  our  armies,  and  Gen.  John  Pope,  in  view 
of  the  great  energy  and  efficiency  he  manifested  in  the  cap- 
ture of  New  Madrid,  Mo.,  and  of  Island  No.  10,  on  the 
Mississippi  river,  has  been  appointed  to  the  command  of 
the  "Army  of  Virginia,"  with  a  view  to  uniting  McClellan's 
forces  with  his  in  a  movement  against  Richmond  from  the 
Rappahannock  river  in  due  season. 

Washington,  August  22,  1862.  —  Horace  Greeley's 
New  York  Tribune  of  the  20th  inst.,  contained  an  editorial 
signed  by  him  complaining  that  I  am  not  faithfully  enforc- 
ing the  confiscation  act  which  frees  the  slaves  of  all  rebels 
whenever  they  come  within  our  lines  and  authorizes  me  to 
employ  all  such  in  the  service  of  the  government — and 
more  to  the  same  effect. 
7 


98        Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

To  this  letter  I  have  publicly  replied  by  declaring  that 
my  supreme  purpose  is  to^  save  the  Union,  that  if  I  could 
save  it  without  freeing  any  slaves,  I  would  do  it,  that  if  I 
could  save  it  by  freeing  either  some  slaves  or  all  of  them, 
I  would  do  it,  that  whatever  I  do  or  forbear  about  slavery 
is  for  the  purpose  of  saving  the  Union,  that  I  will  do  more 
whenever  I  believe  that  doing  more  will  help  our  cause,  and 
will  do  less  whenever  I  believe  doing  less  will  help  it.  And, 
finally,  I  state  that  while  these  are  my  views  of  official 
DUTY,  I  intend  no  modification  of  my  oft-expressed  personal 
wish  that  all  men  everywhere  might  be  free ! 

Washington,  August  26,  1862. — Although  Gen.  Mc- 
Clellan  was  peremptorily  ordered  by  Gen.  Halleck  on  the 
6th  inst.  to  remove  his  army  by  water  to  Aquia  Creek,  his 
forces  did  not  all  arrive  there  until  yesterday,  when  he  re- 
ported to  Gen.  Halleck  from  Alexandria,  being  thus  vir- 
tually, but  not  formally,  relieved  of  his  position  as  com- 
mander of  the  Potomac  army. 

In  view  of  the  enormous  expenses  of  the  war,  amount- 
ing to  about  $2,000,000  a  day,  it  is  some  satisfaction  to 
know  that  business  is  becoming  quite  active  throughout  the 
northern  states,  so  that  the  people  may  not  find  their  war 
taxes  so  oppressive  after  all. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Antietam  and  Emancipation — and  the  last  of 

McClellan. 

Washington,  September  2,  1862. — As  soon  as  Gen. 
Pope  took  the  field  and  before  he  had  received  any  reen- 
forcements  from  JMcClellan,  he  found  himself  threatened 
by  Stonewall  Jackson,  and  after  a  disastrous  campaign  of 
almost  a  month  his  forces  have  retreated  upon  Washington 
greatly  discouraged  and  demoralized.  To  what  extent 
Pope's  misfortunes  were  due  to  AlcClellan's  failure  to  sup- 
port him,  I  am  not  now  able  to  determine,  but  McClellan's 
conduct  was  very  far  from  being  that  of  a  true  soldier,  and 
his  various  dispatches  indicated  but  too  clearly  that  he 
wanted  to  see  Pope  fail  and  to  see  himself  restored  to  his 
former  command.  Nevertheless  it  is  impossible  to  con- 
tinue Pope  in   command ;   and  in  view   of  the  confidence 


Antietam  and  Emancipation  99 

which  McClellan's  officers  and  men  have  in  him,  I  have 
been  constrained  against  the  protests  of  both  Chase  and 
Stanton,  who  claim  he  should  rather  be  summarily  dismissed 
from  the  service — to  place  him  in  command  of  all  the 
troops  enployed  for  the  defense  of  the  capital.  And  he  has 
entered  on  the  work  of  reorganizing  these  forces  with 
great  energy  and  efficiency  and  amid  the  enthusiasm  of  his 
soldiers ;  for  they  all  have  unbounded  confidence  in  "Little 
Mac"  in  spite  of  all  his  failures.  I  feel  very  sorry  for 
Pope;  his  zeal  and  energy  and  desire  to  serve  his  country 
entitle  him  to  a  better  fate  than  that  which  has  overtaken 
him.  And  McDowell — brave,  loyal,  faithful,  capable  Gen- 
eral—what an  unlucky  star  seems  to  be  placed  over  his 
head.  But  such  are  the  fortunes  (and  misfortunes)  of  war. 
Some  Generals  win  glory  and  honor  above  measure,  while 
others  must  lose  their  lives,  and  some  others  their  reputa- 
tions. 

Washington,  September  7,  1862. — We  have  informa- 
tion that  Gen.  Lee  has  crossed  the  Potomac  near  Leesburg 
preparatory  to  an  invasion  of  Maryland.  Gen.  McClellan 
has  therefore  left  Washington  and  taken  the  field  with 
positive  orders  to  follow  Lee  and  not  allow  his  army  to  re- 
turn to  Virginia  without  getting  hurt.  McClellan  has  prom- 
ised faithful  obedience  to  this  order,  although  as  usual,  he 
complains  that  his  force  is  insufficient  and  that  the  rebel 
army  outnumbers  his. 

Washington,  September  13,  1862. — I  was  visited  to- 
day by  a  deputation  of  clergymen  and  churchmen  from  Chi- 
cago, who  earnestly  urged  me  to  carry  out  what  they  con- 
sidered the  divine  will  by  issuing  an  immediate  proclama- 
tion of  emancipation.  I  answered  them  by  declaring  that 
if  the  Almighty  had  communicated  this  as  his  will  to  them, 
he  would  surely  have  made  the  same  communication  to  me, 
as  it  related  particularly  to  my  duty.  I  also  asked  them 
what  good  such  a  proclamation  would  do  in  our  present  sit- 
uation, and  whether  it  would  not  be  as  futile  as  the  Pope's 
bull  against  the  comet.  However,  I  begged  them  not  to 
misunderstand  me,  as  I  had  not  decided  against  the  issu- 
ing of  such  a  proclamation,  assuring  them  that  the  subject 
was  on  my  mind  by  both  day  and  night,  and  that  whatever 
seemed  to  be  the  will  of  God,  I  would  surely  do.  I  did  not 
deem  it  wise  to  inform  them  that  I  was  only  waiting  for 


100      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


an  improvement  in  our  military  situation  to  take  the  action 
which  they  urged — and  don't  know  whether  they  so  read 
my  mind  or  not. 

Washington,  September  14,  1862. — An  order  of  Gen- 
Lee  dividing  his  army  and  sending  one  portion  of  it  to 
make  an  attack  on  Harper's  Ferry  fell  into  McClellan's 
hands  yesterday,  giving  him  a  rare  opportunity  to  fight  the 
two  wings  of  the  rebel  army  separately  and  compel  them 
both  to  choose  between  surrender  and  destruction.  In  view 
of  the  positive  orders  AlcClellan  has  received  and  the  con- 
fidence I  have  placed  in  him,  he  surely  will  not  disappoint 
me. 

Washington,  September  19,  1862. — After  failing  to 
improve  the  almost  miraculous  opportunity  for  winning  a 
great  victory  which  was  furnished  him  by  the.  discovery  of 
Lee's  order,  and  even  failing  to  prevent  the  surrender  of 
Harper's  Ferry,  McClellan  posted  his  army  at  Antietam 
Creek  on  the  15th  inst. ;  but  instead  of  attacking  Lee's 
forces  in  front  of  him  on  that  day  or  the  day  following, 
he  waited  until  the  morning  of  the  i/th,  which  gave  time 
for  Lee's  troops  that  he  had  sent  to  Harper's  Ferry  to  re- 
join him,  and  for  this  reason  McClellan  had  to  fight  the 
whole  of  Lee's  army.  The  engagement  which  lasted  all 
day  was  an  exceedingly  bloody  one,  more  than  10,000  men 
being  lost  on  each  side.  Lee  was  badly  whipped ;  but  al- 
though Porter's  corps  was  not  brought  into  action  during 
the  dav,  and  McClellan  was  advised  to  renew  the  attack  on 
the  1 8th,  he  postponed  his  decision  until  to-day,  and  this 
afternoon  he  telegraphed  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  the 
Potomac  river  and  retreated  into  Virginia.  This  is  the 
only  engagement  of  McClellan's  army  which  he  has  ever 
directed  in  person,  and  in  view  of  what  might  have  been 
done.  I  hardly  know  whether  to  feel  satisfaction  or  disap- 
pointment over  the  result. 

The  Confederate  Congress  has  recently  passed  a  rigid 
conscription  act,  calling  into  military  service  in  the  discre- 
tion of  Pres.  Davis  all  white  men  between  the  ages  of  18 
and  45.     This    is   what   secession   means   to   the   southern 

people. 

Washington,  September  22,  1862. — It  took  me  a  few 
days  to  determine  whether  the  battle  of  Antietam  was  a 
victory  or  a.  defeat;  but  since  Lee  was  compelled  to  re- 


Antietam  and  Emancipation  101 

treat  across  the  Potomac,  I  have  concluded  that  notwith- 
standing- the  faulty  tactics  of  the  battle  and  the  failure  to 
pursue  the  beaten  enemy,  by  a  preponderance  of  evidence, 
if  not  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  it  should  be  considered  a 
victory.  It  is  not  such  a  victory  as  I  had  hoped  for  or 
such  a  one  as  the  country  had  a  right  to  expect,  but  it  is  a 
sufficient  victory  to  justify  the  proclamation  of  emancipa- 
tion which  I  have  so  long  (contemplated.  After  two  or  three 
hours'  discussion  concerning  the  form  and  wording  most 
appropriate,  I  have  issued  my  proclamation  declaring  my 
purpose  at  the  next  meeting  of  Congress  to  recommend  the 
adoption  of  a  measure  of  compensation  to  the  people  of  any 
states  who  will  adopt  a  plan  for  the  abolition  of  slavery 
within  their  limits.  And  I  have  further  declared  that  on 
the  coming  first  day  of  January — which  is  just  one  hundred 
days  from  this  date — all  persons  held  as  slaves  in  any  state 
or  any  part  of  a  state  which  may  then  be  in  rebellion 
against  the  United  States,  shall  be  then,  thenceforward  and 
forever  free,  and  that  the  executive  government  of  the 
United  States  will  recognize  and  maintain  the  freedom 
of  all  such  persons. 

Washington,  September  26,  1862. — Was  much  grati- 
fied to  receive  a  call  from  the  northern  governors  who  held 
a  recent  conference  in  Altoona,  Pa.,  and  to  hear  their 
hearty  endorsement  of  the  emancipation  proclamation  and 
their  promise  to  sustain  it. 

Washington,  October  16,  1862. — I  have  read  with 
great  concern  the  report  of  a  recent  speech  at  Newcastle, 
England,  by  William  E.  Gladstone,  the  English  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  in  which  he  declared  that  "Jefiferson 
Davis  and  the  southern  leaders  have  already  made  an  army 
and  a  navy  and  what  is  more  than  either — they  have  made 
a  nation !"  If  this  be  only  the  personal  opinion  of  Mr. 
Gladstone  there  is  no  need  of  any  concern  over  it;  but  if  it 
is  not  an  expression  of  the  views  entertained  by  the  English 
Cabinet,  I  fear  it  will  be  so  construed  by  the  English  peo- 
ple, and  that  the  tide  of  English  sentiment  will  be  turned 
against  us. 

Washington,  November  2,  1862. — After  receiving  re- 
peated orders  and  letters  from  Gen  Halleck  and  myself 
ever  since  the  battle  of  Antietam,  Gen.  McClellan  finally 
commenced    to   move   his   army — which    should    rather   be 


102      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

called  his  body  guard ! — across  the  Potomac  river,  and  it  is 
now  encamped  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and 
I  have  finally  made  up  my  mind  to  relieve  him  from  his 
command,  if  he  permits  Lee  to  cross  the  Bhie  Ridge,  with- 
out a  fight. 

Washington,  November  5,  1862. — On  receipt  of  the 
news  that  Gen.  Lee's  army  had  reached  Culpeper  Court 
House,  I  have  issued  an  order  relieving  Gen  McClellan 
and  directing  him  to  turn  over  his  command  to  Gen.  Am- 
brose E.  Burnside  and  report  at  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  for 
further  orders.  He  will  not  be  restored  again.  "Little  Mac" 
has  had  his  day — rather  his  year  and  a  half — in  court,  and 
has  lost  his  case. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 
The  Tragedy  of  Fredericksburg. 

Washington,  November  12,  1862. — In  the  congres- 
sional election  of  this  fall,  the  opposition  on  their  platform, 
"The  Union  as  it  was  and  the  Constitution  as  it  is,"  and  by 
representing  the  war  as  "an  abolition  crusade"  have  gained 
so  many  representatives  in  the  states  of  Ohio,  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey.  Illinois  and  Indiana,  that  al- 
though we  have  held  our  own  in  Maine,  Vermont,  Iowa  and 
Michigan,  we  will  have  a  majority  against  us  in  the  next 
Congress,  unless  the  remaining  New  England  states  and  the 
border  slave  states  turn  the  scale  in  the  elections  they  will 
hold  next  year.  But  desirable  as  it  is  to  have  an  adminis- 
tration majority  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  the  northern 
people  are  so  thoroughly  committed  to  the  prosecution  of 
the  war  that  the  men  in  power  will  be  forced  to  carry  their 
will  into  efifect. 

Washington,  December  6,  1862. — In  my  message  to 
Congress  which  assembled  today,  I  recommended  and  most 
earnestly  urged  the  adoption  of  a  plan  for  compensated 
emancipation ;  but  from  the  response  given  to  my  message 
of  last  March,  I  can  not  feel  confident  of  a  favorable  re- 
sponse. In  reference  to  our  finances  I  rqcommended  the 
organization  of  an  association  of  banks,  whose  issues  of 
currency  should  be  based  on  government  bonds. 

General  Rosecrans,  who  was  appointed  to  succeed  Gen. 
Buell    in   the   department   of   the    Cumberland,    has   disap- 


Must  the  Cabinet  Be  Reconstructed?      103 

pointed  me  in  not  moving  into  East  Tennessee,  but  has 
made  Nashville  his  headquarters  instead.  From  this  point 
we  expect  him  to  move  against  Gen  Bragg  at  an  early  date 
and  afterwards  to  make  a  campaign  against  Chattanooga. 

Washington,  December  i6,  1862. — Gen.  Burnside  ac- 
cepted the  command  of  the  Potomac  army  with  great  re- 
luctance, frankly  expressing  the  opinion  that  he  was  not 
equal  to  the  task  it  involved ;  but  he  at  once  began  prepara- 
tions for  a  forward  movement  for  Richmond,  by  way  of 
Fredericksburg.  This  plan  was  contrary  to  the  movement 
on  the  shorter  line  which  I  had  urged  McClellan  to  adopt, 
and  I  gave  my  consent  to  the  change  very  reluctantly,  in 
the  hope  that  he  might  gain  the  heights  south  of  Fredericks- 
burg before  Lee  could  make  his  preparations  to  resist  him. 
For  various  reasons  he  did  not  reach  the  north  bank  of  the 
Rappahannock  until  the  last  days  of  November,  and  then 
had  to  wait  several  days  for  the  pontoon  bridges  which  he 
hoped  to  find  all  ready  for  him  on  his  arrival.  On  the  12th 
inst.  the  greater  part  of  his  army  crossed  the  river,  and  on 
the  13th  an  attack  was  made  on  the  enemy's  works  which 
resulted  in  a  repulse  along  the  whole  line  and  the  loss  of 
some  12,000  men,  the  Confederate  loss  being  less  than  half 
that  number.  Fortunately  the  enemy  did  not  know  how 
great  victory  he  had  won,  and  on  the  night  of  the  15th 
Burnside  withdrew  his  army  to  the  north  side  of  the  river 
with  his  officers  and  men  greatly  discouraged  and  demoral- 
ized and  their  confidence  in  their  commanding  general  al- 
most entirely  gone.  I  dread  the  effects  of  this  defeat  both 
at  home  and  abroad,  but  I  must  never  permit  myself  to  be 
downcast  or  discouraged  even  in  my  own  mind.  Burnside 
has  relieved  me  of  all  responsibilitv  by  declaring  that  the 
plan  of  battle  was  all  his  own,  and  that  he  alone  is  to  blame 
for  the  slaughter  of  so  many  men,  but  if  I  relieve  him  from 
his  command,  whom  shall  I  appoint  in  his  place? 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Must  the  Cabinet  Be  Reconstructed? 

Washington,  December  20,  1862 — Two  or  three  days 
ago  at  a  caucus  of  Republican  senators,  a  resolution  was 
adopted  declaring  it  their  sense  that  a  reconstruction  of  my 
Cabinet  was  demanded  in  the  interest  of  the  public  service. 


104      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

As  this  action  was  especially  directed  against  Seward,  who, 
several  senators  persist  in  thinking,  has  an  undue  influence 
with  me,  as  soon  as  he  was  informed  of  it  he  placed  his 
resignation  in  my  hands.  To-day  the  committee  appointed 
by  the  caucus  to  make  known  its  action  consisting  of  Sena- 
tors Sumner,  Trumbull,  Harris,  Grimes,  Pomeroy,  Fessen- 
den,  Howard  and  Collamer — distinguished  Republican  lead- 
ers all — waited  on  me  and  stated  their  case,  expressing  their 
minds  very  freely  in  reference  to  Seward  and  in  milder 
terms  concerning  some  other  members  of  the  Cabinet.  Of 
course  I  gave  them  free  vent  for  their  opinions  and  feel- 
ings and  then  requested  them  to  meet  me  in  the  evening  for 
further  consideration  of  the  question.  I  then  sent  requests 
to  members  of  the  Cabinet  to  meet  me  at  the  same  time.  At 
the  appointed  hour  the  eight  senators  and  all  the  Cabinet 
except  Seward  assembled,  each  party  being  surprised  to 
meet  the  other.  After  some  hours  of  free  and  all  around 
discussion,  I  put  the  question  to  the  senators  whether  they 
still  thought  Seward  should  be  retired  from  the  Cabinet 
in  view  of  the  great  service  he  was  rendering  the  country 
in  the  conduct  of  our  foreign  relations,  to  which  Grimes, 
Trumbull  and  Sumner  responded  Yes,  and  Harris  No, 
Howard,  Fessenden  and  Collamer  declining  to  vote.  The 
meeting  was  then  adjourned  leaving  the  question  with  me 
whether  I  shall  dispense  with  Seward's  invaluable  services 
as  Secretary  of  State  and  appoint  another  Secretary  —  who 
else  could  fill  his  place  ? —  or  retain  him  against  the  protest 
of  so  many  senators. 

Washington,  December  22,  1862. — At  the  meeting  of 
Senators  and  Cabinet  ministers  two  or  three  evenings  since 
Secretary  Chase  was  so  much  embarrassed  that  he  called  on 
me  the  next  morning  and  presented  his  formal  resignation, 
which  to  his  manifest  surprise  I  at  once  took  from  his  hand 
without  comment  —  and  then  I  realized  very  clearly  that  I 
was  master  of  the  situation  and  of  the  Senatorial  Caucus ! 
For  if  the  caucus  could  drive  Seward  out  of  the  Cabinet, 
they  would  have  to  see  Chase  go  also !  Then  I  immediately 
addressed  a  joint  note  to  Seward  and  Chase,  informing 
them  that  the  public  service  would  not  permit  me  to  accept 
their  resignation  and  earnestly  requested  them  to  resume 
the  duties  of  their  respective  departments  —  which  they 
have  done  to  my  great  satisfaction. 


Murfreesboro  and  Chancellorsville         105 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 
Murfreesboro  (or  Stone  River)  and  Chancellorsville. 

Washington,  December  30,  1862.  —  I  have  been  greatly 
disappointed  over  the  news  that  Gen.  Grant  in  command 
of  the  Department  of  the  Tennessee,  has  been  compelled 
to  abandon  his  campaign  on  the  line  of  the  Mississippi 
Central  Railroad  against  Jackson  and  Vicksburg  on  account 
of  Holly  Springs,  his  depot  of  supplies  being  captured  by 
Gen.  Van  Dorn.  I  have  also  been  disappointed  over  Gen. 
Sherman's  failure  to  gain  a  foothold  at  Haines  Bluff  on  the 
Yazoo  river,  but  I  am  very  much  relieved  by  the  informa- 
tion that  Gen.  Grant  has  withdrawn  his  forces  to  Memphis, 
preparatory  to  a  movement  against  Vicksburg  with  the  river 
as  his  base  of  supplies.  Many  appeals  have  been  made  for 
me  for  the  removal  of  Grant  from  his  command  ever  since 
the  battle  of  Shiloh ;  but  I  have  replied  to  them  all,  that  I 
can  not  spare  him  from  the  army,  for  he  is  determined, 
AND  HE  FIGHTS.  I  have  sometimcs  wished  he  were  in  com- 
mand of  the  Potomac  army,  so  I  would  not  be  so  concerned 
about  its  operations ;  but  it  would  never  do  to  call  him 
from  the  west,  until  the  Mississippi  river  is  opened  all  the 
way  down  to  the  Gulf. 

Washington,  December  31,  1862. — I  have  signed  the 
bill  admitting  the  newly  formed  state  of  West  Virginia, 
into  the  Union  on  condition  of  her  adopting  a  scheme  of 
gradual  emancipation. 

Washington,  January  i,  1863. — The  states  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  government  having  paid  no  attention  to  my 
proclamation  of  last  September.  I  have  today  issued  a  final 
proclamation  declaring  the  freedom  of  all  slaves  in  the 
states  of  Arkanasas,  Texas,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Florida, 
Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  Virginia  and 
Louisiana,  excepting  13  parishes  and  the  city  of  New  Or- 
leans in  Louisiana  and  seven  counties  in  Virginia  besides 
the  forty-eight  counties  designated  as  Western  Virginia. 

By  virtue  of  the  power  vested  in  me  as  Commander  in 
Chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  I  have 
declared  that  all  slaves  in  these  states  and  parts  of  states 
shall  henceforward  be  free,  and  that  the  Executive  govern- 
ment  of  the   United   States   will   recognize   and   maintain 


106      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

their  freedom,  exhorting  all  such  freed  persons  to  abstain 
from  all  violence,  except  in  self-defense,  and  advising  them 
to  work  for  reasonable  wages,  whenever  they  are  allowed  to 
do  so.  I  have  also  declared  that  such  persons  as  are  phys- 
ically qualified  will  be  received  into  the  armed  service  of  the 
United  States. 

At  the  suggestion  of  Secretary  Chase  I  adopted  the  fol- 
lowing as  the  closing  paragraph  of  my  proclamation :  "And 
upon  this,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice,  war- 
ranted by  the  Constitution  upon  military  necessity,  I  in- 
voke THE  CONSIDERATE  JUDGMENT  OF  MANKIND  AND  THE 
GRACIOUS   FAVOR  OF   AlMIGHTY   GoD  !" 

Whatever  misgivings  I  may  have  had  as  to  the  people's 
willingness  to  sustain  the  policy  of  emancipation  when  I 
issued  the  preliminary  proclamation,  I  have  none  at  this 
time,  and  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  I  will  be  sustained  by 
the  voice  of  the  civilized  world  and  on  the  pages  of 
history.  Last  night  I  once  more  dreamed  that  I  saw  Moses 
and  Washington  on  the  summit  of  a  great  mountain  beck- 
oning me  to  stand  beside  them.  Tlie  ascent  was  still  pain- 
ful and  difficult,  but  the  sky  over  my  head,  was  much  clearer 
than  in  my  previous  dreams ;  and  when  I  stood  before  them 
they  said  to  me  as  with  one  voice,  "Go  not  down  from 
this  mountain  height ;  your  place  is  with  us  on  this  rock 
of  everlasting  fame!"  And  there  I  stood  beside  them  until 
I  awoke. 

Washington,  January  4,  1863. — My  feelings  over 
Burnside's  defeat  at  Fredericksburg  have  been  in  some 
measure  relieved  by  the  victory  of  Gen.  Rosecrans'  army  at 
Stone  river,  near  Murfreesboro,  Tennessee,  after  two  days 
of  hard  fighting,  at  the  end  of  which  the  rebel  forces  under 
Gen.  Bragg  made  a  hasty  retreat  to  Tullahoma,  some  twenty 
miles  distant.  The  determined  spirit  and  superior  skill 
shown  by  Gen.  Rosecrans  in  this  battle  give  promise  that  he 
will  soon  proceed  against  Chattanooga  and  Knoxville  and 
relieve  the  Union  men  of  East  Tennessee  of  the  oppression 
they  have  endured  so  long.  Gen.  George  H.  Thomas  who 
commanded  the  center  of  Rosecrans'  army  in  this  battle 
and  Gen.  Philip  II.  Sheridan  who  commanded  a  division 
of  the  right  wing,  both  highly  distinguished  themselves  in 
this  engagement. 

Washington,  January  25.  1863. — Representative  Val- 


Murfreesboro  and  Chancellorsville         107 

landigham's  "great  speech"  in  the  lower  house  of  Congress 
a  few  days  since,  in  which  he  bitterly  denounced  all  the 
war  measures  that  have  been  employed  for  the  suppression 
of  the  rebellion  and  declared  in  most  emphatic  terms  that 
we  could  never  conquer  the  South,  reminds  me  of  a  certain 
western  orator,  of  whom  it  was  said,  that  whenever  he  had 
a  speech  to  deliver  "he  just  mounted  the  platform,  rolled 
back  his  head,  'shined'  his  eyes,  opened  his  mouth,  and  left 
the  consequences  with  God !"  Still  I  can  not  escape  the 
reflection,  that  whatever  influence  Mr.  Vallandigham  and 
others  of  his  class  may  have  will  only  increase  the  cost  of 
war  in  both  money  and  blood ! 

Washington,  January  28,  1863. — Gen.  Burnside  has 
been  so  affected  by  the  adverse  criticisms  of  some  of  his 
Generals  that  he  prepared  an  order  dismissing  Gens.  Hooker, 
Brooks  and  Newton  from  the  service  and  relieving  Gens. 
Franklin,  Smith,  Cochran  and  Ferrero  from  duty  with  the 
Potomac  army.  Before  issuing  this  order,  however,  he 
submitted  it  to  me,  and  insisted  that  I  should  either  approve 
the  order  or  relieve  him  from  the  command  of  the  Potomac 
army.  Whereupon  I  decided  to  relieve  him  and  have  ap- 
pointed Gen.  Hooker  in  his  place.  Hooker  has  won  the 
sobriquet  of  "Fighting  Joe  Hooker,"  but  his  extravagant 
and  rather  reckless  criticisms  of  both  McClellan  and  Burn- 
side,  while  they  indicate  his  readiness  to  fight  the  enemy, 
do  not  fully  prove  his  capacity  to  cope  with  Gen.  Lee  and 
the  able  officers  who  are  serving  under  him.  Neither  do  I 
know  any  other  General  whom  I  consider  fully  equal  to  this 
task  —  nor  am  I  able  to  create  one. 

Washington,  January  30,  1863. — I  have  sent  my  thanks 
to  the  workingmen  of  Manchester,  England,  who  at  a  recent 
meeting  adopted  resolutions  expressing  their  sympathy  for 
the  Union  cause  and  their  approval  of  my  emancipation 
proclamation.  Reports  from  other  cities  indicate  that  not- 
withstanding all  that  the  English  masses  are  suffering  from 
deficiency  of  the  cotton  supply,  their  sympathies  are  on 
our  side,  inasmuch  as  they  realize  that  the  Union  cause 
represents  liberty  and  justice,  while  the  Confederate  cause 
represents  only  slavery  and  the  oppression  of  mankind. 

Washington,  February  6,  1863  —  Secretary  Seward  has 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  French  minister  at  Washington, 
in  which  by  my  directions  he  very  courteously  but  very 


108      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


emphatically  declined  the  French  Emperor's  offer  of  media- 
tion between  the  United  States  and  the  rebel  government. 
There  must  be  no  interference  of  outsiders  in  this  family 
quarrel ! 

Washington,  February  25,  1863. — I  have  this  day 
signed  the  bill  authorizing  the  establishing  of  National 
banks  throughout  the  country  on  the  basis  of  national 
bonds,  which  has  been  so  strongly  urged  upon  Congress  by 
Secretary  Chase.  This  bill  is  not  open  to  the  objections 
that  might  be  urged  against  a  single  national  bank,  and  I 
believe  it  will  provide  a  uniform,  safe  and  reliable  currency 
— as  soon  as  it  is  supplemented  by  a  law  taxing  the  cur- 
rency of  state  banks  out  of  circulation. 

Washington,  March  3,  1863. — In  common  with  other 
supporters  of  the  Union,  I  have  hoped — yes,  hoped  against 
hope — that  the  war  could  be  fought  to  a  successful  conclu- 
sion without  resorting  to  conscription;  but  the  recent  re- 
verses we  have  suffered  have  so  discouraged  enlistments, 
that  Congress  has  passed  a  law,  which  I  have  approved 
to-day,  providing  that  all  male  citizens  between  the  ages 
of  20  and  45  shall  be  duly  enrolled  for  military  duty,  and 
that  the  President  may  call  into  active  service  such  num- 
bers of  them  as  he  may  deem  necessary. 

Washington,  May  i,  1863. — When  Gen.  Hooker  as- 
sumed command  of  the  army  of  the  Potomac  he  found 
its  spirit  and  morale  at  a  very  low  ebb,  but  as  officers  and 
men  knew  him  as  "Fighting  Joe  Hooker,"  he  found  very 
little  difficulty  in  inspiring  his  troops  nearly  100,000  strong 
with  confidence  and  the  willingness  to  proceed  against  the 
enemy.  Warned  by  Burnside's  experience  not  to  attempt 
a  front  attack  on  Lee  at  Fredericksburg,  he  very  wisely 
determined  on  a  flank  movement  by  crossing  the  Rappa- 
hannock river  at  Chancellorsville  some  miles  above  Fred- 
ericksburg. This  maneuver  was  very  skillfully  executed; 
and  yesterday  he  published  the  information  to  his  army 
that  "the  enemy  must  either  ingloriously  fly  or  come  out 
from  behind  his  defenses  and  give  us  battle  on  our  own 
ground  where  certain  destruction  awaits  him."  He  has 
certainly  gained  an  advantage  over  Lee  which,  if  wisely 
improved,  will  result  in  a  victory  to  our  arms. 

Washington,  May  6,  1863.— Instead  of  the  glorious 
victory    which    Hooker    promised    his    army    the    story    of 


Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg  109 

Fredericksburg  must  be  told  again.  While  Hooker  lay  in 
the  position  he  had  secured  by  crossing  the  river  waiting 
for  Lee  to  attack  him  or  retreat,  Lee  and  Jackson  devised 
a  flank  movement  against  Hooker's  right  wing  which  was 
executed  by  Jackson  with  all  the  vigor  and  celerity  for 
which  he  is  noted.  Hooker's  right  wing  was  taken  by 
surprise  and  was  soon  thrown  into  confusion  and  disorder, 
the  fight  continuing  for  some  time  after  nightfall.  The 
result  might  have  been  much  more  disastrous,  if  Jackson 
had  not  been  accidentally  wounded  by  some  of  his  own 
men,  so  that  he  had  to  be  carried  from  the  field.  The  fight 
was  renewed  the  next  day  by  Gen.  Lee  with  such  effect 
that  Hooker  recrossed  the  river,  and  is  now  safely  en- 
camped on  its  northern  bank. 

I  am  informed  that  Hooker's  explanation  of  the  sur- 
prise is  that  he  thought  the  rebel  forces  were  retreating — 
why  then  did  he  not  pursue  them  ?  I  am  also  informed  that 
after  he  had  made  his  crossing  to  the  south  side  of  the 
Rappahannock  he  advanced  part  of  his  army  to  an  advan- 
tageous position  some  distance  to  the  front,  but  withdrew 
from  it  against  the  urgent  advice  of  his  generals,  for  fear 
he  couldn't  hold  it.  "My  God !"  Gen.  Meade  is  reported 
to  have  exclaimed,  "if  we  can  not  hold  the  top  of  a  hill 
how  can  we  hope  tO'  hold  the  bottom  of  it?" 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 
Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg. 


Washington,  May  7,  1863. — Gen.  Grant  has  been  very 
active  since  he  assumed  command  of  the  forces  on  the 
Mississippi  river  operating  against  Vicksburg.  His  efforts 
to  reach  the  river  south  of  the  city  by  way  of  Lake  Provi- 
dence and  by  digging  a  canal  across  the  neck  on  the  Louisi- 
ana side  formed  by  a  bend  in  the  Mississippi  and  his  ef- 
forts to  reach  the  Yazoo  river  by  way  of  the  Yazoo  pass 
halving  all  proved  failures,  he  decided  with  the  co-operation 
of  Admiral  Porter  to  run  the  Vicksburg  batteries  with 
gunboats  and  transports  and  effect  a  landing  on  the  east 
bank  of  the  river  near  Grand  Gulf  some  twenty-five  miles 
below  Vicksburg.  This  movement  proved  a  complete  suc- 
cess ;  but  after  the  battle  of  Port  Gibson  and  the  evacuation 


110      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

of  Grand  Gulf  by  the  rebels,  instead  of  proceeding  farther 
south  to  cooperate  with  Gen.  Banks  in  the  reduction  of 
Port  Hudson  as  it  was  expected  he  would  do,  he  marched 
his  forces  toward  Jackson,  the  capital  of  the  state,  with  the 
evident  purpose  of  capturing  that  place  and  proceeding 
thence  to  an  attack  on  Vicksburg.  His  troops  have 
only  five  days'  rations  in  their  haversacks,  but  they  are  all 
in  high  spirits  and  full  of  confidence  that  their  general  will 
lead  them  to  a  complete  victory. 

Washington,  May  20,  1863. — The  very  gratifying 
news  has  reached  us  that  after  capturing  Jackson,  Miss., 
and  winning  the  battles  of  Raymond,  Champion's  Hill  and 
Big  Black  river  over  Gen.  Pemberton's  forces.  Gen.  Grant 
reached  Vicksburg  with  his  three  army  corps  on  the  i8th 
inst.,  his  army  having  made  a  campaign  of  almost  three 
weeks  on  five  days'  rations.  His  assault  on  the  fortifica- 
tions of  the  city  on  the  19th  failed  of  success,  but  he  has 
the  place  completely  invested  and  can  not  fail  to  capture 
it,  as  he  will  be  amply  reenforced. 

Washington,  June  16,  1863. — The  capture  of  Win- 
chester by  the  rebel  forces  yesterday  indicates  very  clearly 
that  Gen.  Lee  is  contemplating  another  invasion  of  the 
North ;  but  Hooker  is  also  moving  northward  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Blue  Ridge  and  will,  I  hope,  be  able  to  cope 
with  him. 

When  Lee  first  commenced  to  cross  to  the  north  side  of 
Rappahannock,  Hooker  asked  permission  to  move  his  army 
southward  and  make  an  attack  on  Richmond,  but  I  an- 
swered him  that  I  would  not  run  the  risk  of  putting  the 
army  in  the  position  of  an  ox  jumped  half  way  over  a 
fence,  liable  to  be  torn  by  dogs  without  any  chance  to 
gore  one  way  or  kick  the  other ! 

Washington,  June  18,  1863. — I  am  very  much  dis- 
appointed that  Gen.  Rosecrans  after  remaining  in  position 
at  Murfreesboro  for  nearly  six  months  is  still,  as  he  claims, 
unprepared  for  any  forward  movement.  He  also  urges 
— very  strangely  it  seems  to  me — that  a  forward  movement 
on  his  part  might  cause  Bragg  to  reenforce  Pemberton  at 
Vicksburg ! 

Washington,  June  28,  1863. — Gen.  Halleck  never  ap- 
proved the  appointment  of  Hooker  to  command  the  army 
of  the  Potomac,  and  since  the  Chancellorsville  campaign 


Vicksburg  and  Gettysburg  111 

his  confidence  in  that  general  has  been  much  less  than  be- 
fore; consequently  their  relations  have  been  considerably 
strained,  and  the  correspondence  between  them  has  been 
none  too  cordial.  Yesterday  Hooker  telegraphed  from  Har- 
pers' Ferry,  requesting  that  the  troops  some  10,000  in  num- 
ber, that  are  occupying  Maryland  Heights  be  added  to  the 
army  with  which  he  is  operating  against  Gen.  Lee;  and 
on  Halleck's  refusal  to  comply  with  his  request,  asked 
to  be  relieved  from  the  command  of  the  Potomac  army. 
While  I  did  not  consider  Hooker's  request  to  have  this 
force  added  to  his  command  an  unreasonable  one,  I  deemed 
it  for  the  good  of  the  service  to  accept  his  resignation  at 
once  without  waiting  to  find  out  whether  he  really  wanted 
it  accepted !  Gen.  George  G.  Meade,  the  corps  commander 
whom  I  have  appointed  in  his  place,  has  never  proved 
himself  a  Caesar  or  Napoleon,  but  he  is  brave,  faithful, 
capable  and  reliable,  and  therefore  I  expect  him  to  give 
a  good  account  of  himself  under  all  circumstances. 

Washington^  July  3,  1863. — After  three  days'  hard 
fighting  at  Gettysburg,  Gen.  Meade's  forces  finally  repulsed 
the  attacks  of  the  enemy  and  thus  secured  a  great  victory 
to  our  arms,  although  it  was  purchased  with  the  loss  of 
some  20,000  men  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  the  rebel 
loss  being  probably  about  the  same.  By  his  conduct  of 
this  important  battle  Gen.  Meade  has  greatly  increased  his 
military  reputation ;  and  I  am  earnestly  hoping  he  will  im- 
prove his  victory  by  pursuing  Lee  without  delay  and  not 
permitting  him  to  recross  the  Potomac  river. 

Washington,  July  5,  1863. — Right  on  the  heels  of 
our  victory  at  Gettysburg  comes  the  news  that  on  yesterday, 
July  4,  Gen.  Grant  received  the  surrender  of  Pemberton 
and  his  army  of  30,000  men  at  Vicksburg,  so  that  the  cap- 
ture of  Port  Hudson,  which  Gen.  Banks  is  now  beseiging, 
is  all  that  is  needed  to  open  the  Mississippi  river  from  its 
source  to  its  mouth  and  cut  the  Southern  Confederacy  in 
twain.  All  honor  to  Gen.  Grant  and  his  soldiers  for  this 
most  decisive  victory. 

Washington,  July  10,  1863. — The  capture  of  Port 
Hudson  by  Gen.  Banks  on  the  8th  inst.  with  6,000  prisoners 
completes  the  great  task  of  opening  the  Mississippi  river 
and  dividing  the  Confederacy  into  two  divisions,  which 
result  ought  to  convince  the  Confederates  that  their  effort 


112      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


to  establish  an  independent  government  can  never  be  suc- 
cessful. 

I  have  written  a  letter  to  Gen.  Grant  in  which  I  thank 
him  most  heartily  for  the  work  of  his  campaigns,  and  I 
also  inform  him  that  when  he  reached  Grand  Gulf  in  May 
last  I  thought  he  ought  to  move  southward  and  cooperate 
with  Gen.  Banks,  but  I  now  wish  to  say  to  him,  that  he 
was  right  and  I  was  wrong! 

Our  public  debt  at  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year  June  30, 
had  reached  the  enormous  sum  of  $1,097,000,000  and  gold 
at  the  same  was  at  a  premium  of  45  per  cent ;  but_  when 
the  war  is  over  the  country's  resources  will  be  sufficient  in 
a  few  years  to  wipe  out  the  debt  and  make  our  currency 
as  good  as  gold  and  silver. 

Washington,  July   14.   1863. — I  was  so  disappointed 
over  the  news  that  Gen.  ]\Ieade  had  permitted  Lee  to  re- 
cross  the  Potomac  and  make  his  escape  into  Virginia  with- 
out another  battle,  that  I  wrote  him  a  letter  complaining 
in  pretty  strong  terms  of  his  inaction,  but  after  due  reflec- 
tion I  concluded  not  to  send  it,  as  I  did  not  want  to  wound 
his  feelings  to  no  purpose,  and  if  he  should  resign  his  com- 
mand,  whom  would   I   appoint   in  his   place?     Still   I   am 
both  grieved  and  disappointed.     A  great  many  claim  that 
Gettysburg  will  always  be  known  as   "the  decisive  battle 
of  the  war."    I  suppose  it  does  decide  that  the  Confederate 
army  can  never  secure  a  foothold  on  northern  soil,  but  it 
ought   to   have   decided   that   that   army   can   not   secure   a 
foothold  on  Virginia  soil  either!     It  would,  indeed,  have 
cost  many  lives  to  have  whipped  Lee  north  of  the  Potomac, 
but  it  will  cost  a  great  many  more  to  destroy  _  his  arrny, 
now  that  he  has  returned  to  the  hills  and  mountains  of  Vir- 
ginia.    Still  as  Gen.  Meade  has  done  so  well,  I  must  not 
withdraw   my  confidence   from   him,  but   rather  give   him 
my  hearty   encouragement   and   support   in   the   campaigns 
that  are  still  before  him  and  his  army.    Until  I  find  myself 
possessed  of  infallible  judgment,  I  surely  have  no  right  to 
require  it  in  the  generals  at  the  head  of  our  armies. 


Chicamauga  —  Missionary  Ridge!  113 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
Chicamauga — Lookout  Mountain — Missionary  Ridge  ! 

Washington,  July  15,  1863. — After  five  full  months 
of  waiting  at  Murfreesboro,  during-  which  he  was  repeat- 
edly and  presistently  urged  to  action  by  Gen.  Halleck  and 
myself,  Gen.  Rosecrans  called  a  council  of  his  generals 
the  first  week  in  June,  at  which  he  obtained  the  opinions 
of  seventeen  of  them,  against  an  immediate  advance  of 
his  army.  But  wisely  heeding  the  urgent  advice  of  Gen. 
Garfield,  his  chief  of  staff,  on  the  24th  of  June  he  moved 
his  three  army  corps  against  Bragg's  position  at  Tulla- 
homa  and  in  a  vigorous  campaign  of  nine  days  compelled 
Bragg  to  abandon  Middle  Tennessee  and  retreat  into  Chat- 
tanooga. This  success  added  to  our  victories  at  Vicksburg 
and  Gettysburg  will,  I  hope,  induce  him  to  push  on  to 
Chattanooga  and  Knoxville  and  secure  those  positions  be- 
fore the  enemy  is  reenforced  from  Lee's  army. 

Washington,  September  6,  1863. — To  my  almost  in- 
expressible satisfaction  and  the  still  greater  satisfaction  of 
the  loyal  East  Tennesseans  Gen.  Burnside  entered  Knox- 
ville yesterday.  From  the  very  beginning  of  the  war  I 
have  desired  to  relieve  these  people  from  the  hardships  and 
persecutions  they  were  suffering,  but  have  never  until  now 
been  able  to  accomplish  that  object. 

Washington,  September  8,  1863. — Almost  every  day 
I  am  besought  by  some  father  or  mother  or  other  relative 
to  save  the  life  of  some  soldier  who  has  been  sentenced  to 
death  for  desertion  or  some  other  offense ;  and  many  of 
our  generals  complain  that  I  impair  discipline  in  the  army 
by  my  frequent  pardons  and  respites ;  but  it  makes  me 
feel  greatly  rested  after  a  hard  day's  work,  if  I  can  find 
some  excuse  for  saving  a  poor  fellow's  life,  and  I  go  to 
bed  rejoicing  to  think  how  happy  the  signing  of  my  name 
has  made  him  and  his  family.  Besides  I  have  a  notion 
that  severe  punishment  is  not  the  only  means  of  maintain- 
ing discipline  in  the  army  and  securing  peace  and  order  in 
society. 

Washington,  September  10,  1863. — After  a  very  suc- 
cessful  and   brilliant   campaign   of   three   weeks    by    Gen. 

8 


114      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

Rosecrans  the  left  wing  of  his  army  entered  Chattanooga 
yesterday,  and  the  other  two  corps  are  in  position  a  few 
miles  in  rear  of  the  place.  Gen.  Rosecrans  reports  Bragg's 
forces  in  full  retreat  and  is  expecting  to  start  in  pursuit 
of  him  without  delay.  This  occupation  of  Chattanooga, 
although  it  was  accomplished  without  a  battle,  I  consider 
one  of  the  most  important  achievements  of  the  war,  and 
it  reveals  the  most  masterly  strategy  on  the  part  of  Gen. 
Rosecrans.  Still  for  some  reason  I  am  very  anxious  about 
the  outcome! 

Washington,  September  22,  1863. — Instead  of  Bragg's 
retreating  southward  after  Rosecrans'  occupation  of  Chat- 
tanooga, the  two  armies  engaged  in  a  fierce  battle  on  Chicka- 
mauga  creek  on  the  19th  and  20th  inst.,  Bragg  having  been 
reenforced  by  Longstreet's  corps  from  Lee's  army  of  Vir- 
ginia. There  was  severe  fighting  during  the  first  day  with- 
out any  decisive  result,  but  on  the  second  day,  through 
an  unfortunate  order  of  Gen.  Rosecrans  to  one  of  our  divi- 
sions, a  gap  was  made  in  our  line,  of  which  the  enemy 
took  such  advantage  that  our  center  and  right  wing  were 
completely  routed,  and  Gen.  Rosecrans  left  the  field  to  make 
arrangements  for  the  retreat  of  his  troops  to  Chattanooga. 
Gen.  Garfield,  his  chief  of  stafif,  obtained  permission  to 
ride  to  the  left  wing  where  Gen.  Thomas  heroically  held 
his  ground  against  repeated  assaults  of  the  enemy  until 
nightfall,  when,  under  orders  from  Rosecrans,  he  retreated 
to  Rossville,  a  few  miles  tO'  the  rear.  Fortunately  for  us — 
rather,  it  may  be,  fortunately  for  the  Confederates — 
Bragg  did  not  renew  the  attack  the  next  day ;  so  that  we 
still  hold  Chattanooga,  which  was  the  "objective  point" 
of  the  campaign.  No  estimate  of  the  losses  has  been  re- 
ceived, but  they  must  have  run  far  into  the  thousands  on 
both  sides. 

Washington,  October  3,  1863. — For  many  years  past 
the  Governors  of  our  various  states,  or  most  of  them,  have 
designated  a  special  day  of  thanksgiving  near  the  close 
of  the  year;  wherefore  it  has  seemed  to  me  that  in  view 
of  the  many  blessings  the  Most  High  God  has  bestowed  up- 
on us  as  a  nation,  notwithstanding  the  ravages  of  civil  war 
we  should  have  a  day  of  national  thanksgiving.  I  have 
accordingly  designated  the  last  Thursday  of  November 
next  as  such  a  day;  and  in  my  proclamation  to  that  effect 


Chlcamauga  —  Missionary  Ridge!  Il5 

I  have  exhorted  the  people,  while  rendering  their  thanks  to 
the  Almighty,  to  commend  to  his  tender  care  all  those  who 
have  been  made  widows  or  orphans  or  other  sufferers  by 
the  conflict  in  which  we  are  engaged. 

Washington^  October  15,  1863. — I  am  greatly  pleased 
with  the  result  of  the  elections  in  the  northern  states  this 
fall,  especially  with  the  re-election  of  Gov.  Curtin  over 
Judge  Woodward  in  Pennsylvania  by  15,000  majority  and 
the  election  of  John  Brough  as  Governor  of  Ohio  over 
Vallandigham  by  a  majority  of  some  60,000,  which  figures, 
it  is  thought,  will  be  increased  to  100,000  when  the  votes 
of  the  Ohio  soldiers  are  returned.  Throughout  the  cam- 
paign I  felt  confident  that  these  states  would  prove  true 
to  themselves  and  to  the  men  they  had  sent  into  the  army, 
and  that  the  voice  of  their  ballot-box  would  accord  with 
the  tread  of  their  battalions ! 

Washington,  October  17,  1863. — Recruiting  for  the 
army  has  proceeded  so  slowly  for  some  time  past  that  I 
have  found  it  necessary  to  issue  a  call  for  300,000  more 
troops  with  notice  that  if  they  are  not  furnished  by  Janu- 
ary 5,  1864,  a  draft  will  have  to  be  made. 

Washington,  October  20,  1863. — Gen.  Rosecrans'  dis- 
patches from  Chattanooga  have  been  of  so  discouraging  a 
character  since  the  battle  of  Chicamauga,  and  the  situation 
of  our  forces  has  seemed  so  precarious  that  Gen.  Grant 
has  been  appointed  commander  of  the  Military  Division  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  the  armies  of  the  Cumberland  and  the 
Tennessee  have  both  been  placed  under  his  authority.  At 
his  request  Gen.  Rosecrans  has  been  relieved  from  the 
command  of  the  army  of  the  Cumberland  and  Gen.  Thomas 
— the  "Rock  of  Chicamauga"  he  has  been  called  since  the 
Chicamauga  battle — has  been  assigned  to  his  place.  Gen. 
Sherman  succeeding  Grant  as  commander  of  the  army  of 
the  Tennessee.  The  nth  and  12th  army  corps,  under 
Gen.  Hooker,  have  been  sent  to  Chattanooga,  and  Sher- 
man's 15th  army  corps  is  well  on  the  road  from  Memphis, 
which  will  certainly  enable  Grant  to  raise  the  siege  of  the 
place,  if  nothing  more. 

Gettysburg,  Penn.,  November  19,  1863. — I  came  here 
to-day  by  invitation  to  take  part  in  the  ceremony  of  dedicat- 
ing a  portion  of  the  Gettysburg  battlefield  as  a  Soldiers' 
cemetery,   the  particular   duty   assigned   me  being  "to   set 


116      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

apart  these  grounds  to  their  sacred  use  by  a  few  appro- 
priate remarks"  after  the  distinguished  Edward  Everett, 
the  orator  of  the  day,  had  given  his  address.  Mr.  Everett's 
address,  which  was  about  two  hours  in  length  was  very 
learned,  very  comprehensive  and  very  eloquent,  and  was 
most  heartily  applauded  by  the  great  audience  in  attend- 
ance. Knowing  that  I  was  only  expected  to  occupy  a  few 
minutes  I  gave  the  very  short  address,  which  I  had 
previously  prepared,  in  which  I  sought  to  express  as 
clearly  as  possible  and  in  as  few  words  as  possible  my 
appreciation  of  the  debt  we  owe  to  the  living  and  dead 
soldiers  who  fought  and  won  this  great  battle,  and  also 
to  express  my  conception  of  Liberty  and  Equality  as  the 
principles  on  which  our  government  is  based  and  should 
ever  be  administered.     [See  page  2.] 

Washington,  November  20,  1863. — I  received  a  very 
gracious  note  to-day  from  Mr.  Everett,  in  which  he  said 
he  would  be  glad  if  he  could  flatter  himself  that  he  came 
as  near  the  central  idea  of  the  occasion  at  Gettysburg  in 
two  hours  as  I  did  in  two  minutes. 

Washington,  November  28,  1863. — After  assuming 
command  at  Chattanooga,  Gen.  Grant,  in  the  course  of  a 
few  days  by  a  series  of  very  skillful  movements,  opened  up 
his  communications  with  Bridgeport,  and  as  soon  as  Sher- 
man's troops  arrived,  made  ready  for  Hooker  to  move 
against  the  rebel  forces  on  Lookout  Mountain  on  his  right 
and  for  Thomas  and  Sherman  to  assail  Missionary  Ridge 
on  his  left  and  center.  Hooker's  men  performed  their 
task  with  great  gallantry,  asecnding  the  slopes  of  the  moun- 
tain on  the  24th  inst.  under  heavy  fire  and  never  stopping 
until  they  reached  its  summit,  a  part  of  the  battle,  it  is 
said,  being  fought  "above  the  clouds."  The  next  day 
Thomas'  men  aided  by  Sherman,  made  an  attack  on  Mis- 
sionary Ridge  and  carried  everything  before  them,  caus- 
ing Gen.  Bragg's  forces  to  retreat  in  confusion  and  dis- 
order. 

This  victory  of  Gen.  Grant  was  greatly  facilitated — 
perhaps  made  possible — by  Bragg's  sending  Longstreet  with 
several  thousand  troops  to  attack  Burnside  at  Knoxville. 
On  account  of  this  movement  of  Longstreet,  Gen.  Grant 
the  day  after  the  battle  of  Missionary  Ridge  sent  Sher- 
man with  three  divisions  to  Burnside's  relief. 


Wilderness — Atlanta — Cedar  Creek!      117 


Washington,  December  7,  1863. — Gen.  Sherman  ar- 
rived in  Knoxville  yesterday  with  a  portion  of  his  forces, 
having  learned  the  day  before  that  Longstreet  had  made 
an  attack  on  the  place  November  29th,  in  which  he  was 
repulsed  with  heavy  loss  and  compelled  to  retreat  to  the 
Holston  river. 

Washington,  December  9,  1863.— The  38th  Congres 
met  on  Monday  the  7th  inst.  and  the  House  was  duly 
organized  by  the  election  of  Schuyler  Colfax  as  Speaker. 
In  my  message  I  was  able  to  recount  our  victories  at  Vicks- 
burg,  Gettysburg  and  Chattanooga,  and  to  inform  Con- 
gress that  fully  100,000  negroes  who  were  formerly  slaves 
are  now  enrolled  in  the  service  of  the  government,  and 
that  as  far  as  they  have  been  tested,  it  is  hard  to  say  they 
are  not  as  good  soldiers  as  any. 

I  have  taken  great  pleasure  in  appending  to  my  mes- 
';age  a  special  proclamation,  in  accordance  with  the  act  of 
Congress,  offering_  complete  amnesty  to  all  persons  hereto- 
fore connected  with  the  rebellion,  on  condition  of  their 
taking  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  government  and  promis- 
ing to  abide  by  and  sustain  the  emancipation  proclamation. 
I  have  also  declared  in  my  message  that  I  will  never  retreat 
or  change  the  proclamation  or  return  to  slavery  any  person 
who  has  been  freed  by  it ! 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Wilderness — Spottsylvania — Cold  Harbor — Atlanta — 

Cedar  Creek  ! 

Washington,  March  i.  1864.— The  Republican  mem- 
bers of  the  Ohio  Legislature  having  held  a  formal  caucus 
and  declared  in  favor  of  my  re-election,  Secretary  Chase 
has  written  a  letter  to  his  supporters  formally  withdrawing 
from  the  canvass;  but  I  have  a  notion  that  he  still  thinks 
he  ought  to  be  the  candidate.  This  will  not  bother  me, 
however,  as  long  as  he  continues  his  good  work  at  the 
head  of  the  Treasury. 

Washington,  March  2,  1864.— Since  the  war  began  I 
have  longed  for  a  general  to  place  in  command  of  our 
armies  on  whom  I  could  rely  so  fully  that  I  would  not  even 
want  to  know  his  plans  except  in  the  most  general  way. 


118      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

And  since  Gen.  Grant's  victories  at  Vicksburg  and  Chat- 
tanooga, my  mind  has  rested  on  him.  Hence  I  have  very 
readily  approved  the  bill  passed  by  Congress  reviving  the 
grade  of  Lieutenant  General  and  have  summoned  Gen. 
Grant  to  Washington  to  receive  his  commission ;  and  as 
soon  as  he  arrives  I  intend  to  place  him  in  command  of 
our  armies.  Severe  criticisms  have  been  passed  on  some 
of  Grant's  operations  ;  but  my  confidence  in  him  has  never 
wavered,  and  I  am  firm  in  the  faith  that  he  will  never  let 
go  his  hold  until  he  either  destroys  Lee's  army  or  compels 
its  surrender — and  then  the  war  will  close. 

Washington,  March  9,  1864 — In  response  to  orders, 
Gen.  Grant  arrived  in  Washington  yesterday — it  was  the 
first  time  he  and  I  had  ever  met  each  other,  but  neither  of 
us  needed  a  formal  introduction; — and  to-day  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Cabinet  and  Gen.  Halleck  I  presented  him 
with  his  commission  as  Lieutenant  General,  assuring  him  of 
my  entire  confidence,  and  that  the  country  also  trusts  him 
and  will  sustain  him  as  General-in-chief  of  our  armies. 
His  reply  showed  that  he  fully  appreciated  his  responsibility, 
and  that  he  would  be  equal  to  the  trust  reposed  in  him. 
At  Gen.  Grant's  request  Gen.  Sherman  was  placed  in  com- 
mand of  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi,  and  Gen. 
James  B.  McPherson  in  command  of  the  army  of  the 
Tennessee  in  Sherman's  place. 

Washington,  March  13,  1864. — I  have  just  written  a 
letter  to  Michael  Hahn,  of  New  Orleans,  congratulating 
him  on  his  election  as  the  first  free-state  Governor  of  Lou- 
isiana. In  this  letter  I  have  suggested  to  him  for  his  pri- 
vate consideration  the  question  whether  it  would  not  be 
well  to  confer  the  elective  franchise  on  the  more  intelligent 
colored  people  of  that  state,  especially  on  those  who  have 
fought  in  our  ranks,  as  they  might  help  to  keep  the  jewel 
of  liberty  in  the  family  of  freedom. 

Washington,  March  25,  1864  —  Gen.  Grant  has  re- 
turned from  his  trip  to  the  west,  and  without  my  asking 
or  desiring  any  detailed  statement  informs  me  that  there  is 
to  be  a  harmonious  movement  along  the  whole  line  (a 
point  I  have  sought  to  attain  ever  since  the  war  began), 
that  Sherman  will  move  against  Johnston  in  Georgia,  Gen. 
Butler  will  operate  against  Richmond  south  of  the  James 
river  and  that  all  other  commanders  will  be  instructed  to 


Wilderness — Atlanta — Cedar  Creek!      119 

press  the  enemy  as  opportunity  offers.  Grant  himself  will 
take  the  field  against  Lee  and  continue  to  fight  him  until 
his  army  is  either  destroyed  or  captured. 

I  am  much  gratified  to  learn  that  the  election  held  in 
Arkansas  on  the  14th  inst.  the  new  Constitution  abolishing 
slavery  was  adopted  by  a  handsome  majority. 

Washington,  March  28,  1864. — I  have  always  con- 
sidered the  emancipation  proclamation  as  a  military  meas- 
ure, and  have  earnestly  desired  Congress  to  take  such  ac- 
tion as  would  make  the  prohibition  of  slavery  a  part  of  our 
fundamental  law ;  hence  my  great  satisfaction  over  the 
fact  that  the  Senate  has  to-day  adopted  a  constitutional 
amendment  prohibiting  slavery  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States  and  empowering  Congress  to  enforce  this 
article  by  appropriate  legislation. 

Wa-SHINGton,  May  4,  1864. — Soon  after  midnight  to- 
day the  army  of  the  Potomac  again  started  to  Richmond, 
not  to  return,  as  I  verily  believe,  until  that  city  is 
captured  and  the  rebel  army  is  overthrown.  Just  before 
leaving  Gen.  Grant  wrote  me  a  letter,  expressing  his  ap- 
preciation of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  always  been  sup- 
ported by  the  administration  and  assuring  me  that  if  his  suc- 
cess should  be  short  of  his  expectations,  it  would  not  be 
the  fault  of  my  administration. 

The  desperate  situation  of  the  Confederates  is  clearly 
shown  in  the  recent  conscription  act  passed  by  their  Con- 
gress which  calls  into  active  service  all  white  men  between 
the  ages  of  sixteen  and  sixty.  Gen.  Grant  says  they  are 
robbing  both  the  cradle  and  the  grave  to  save  their  cause. 

Washington,  June  5,  1864. — When  Gen.  Grant  reached 
the  tableland  south  of  the  Rapidan  known  as  the  "Wild- 
erness," he  found  Lee's  army  directly  across  his  path,  and 
after  two  days'  severe  fighting  during  which  our  losses 
in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners  amounted  to  nearly  20,000 
men,  instead  of  retreating  back  to  Washington,  he  imme- 
diately started  his  army  by  the  left  flank  in  the  direction 
of  Spottsylvania,  hoping  to  reach  that  position  before  Lee 
was  aware  of  his  purpose.  In  this,  however,  he  was 
disappointed,  for  Lee,  ever  vigilant  and  alert  and  having 
a  shorter  line  of  march,  arrived  there  first.  A  fierce  fight 
of  two  days  took  place  here  with  a  great  loss  on  each  side, 
when  Grant  started  on  another  movement  in  the  direction 


120      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 


of  Cold  Harbor,  where  he  arrived  the  first  of  June  and 
made  a  terrible  assault  on  Lee's  center  which  was  quickly 
repulsed,  and  in  which  several  thousand  of  our  men  were 
killed  or  wounded  in  less  than  an  hour.  Our  total  losses  in 
this  campaign  of  one  month  will  run  into  tens  of  thousands ; 
it  is  estimated  by  some  that  they  will  equal  Lee's  _  total 
force  at  the  beginning.  Gen.  Grant  is  severely  criticised 
for  this  slaughter  of  his  men;  but  he  fully  realizes  that 
Lee's  army  can  not  be  destroyed  without  hard  fighting,  and 
that  fighting  can  not  be  made  successful  without  overcom- 
ing obstacles  that  seem  insurmountable  and  achieving  re- 
sults that  seem  impossible.  Hence  I  have  encouraged  him 
to  proceed  in  his  great  task  without  faltering,  assuring  him 
that  the  government  and  the  people  will  sustain  him  to  the 
end.  As  I  have  read  all  his  dispatches  and  heard  the  vari- 
ous reports  of  his  contests  with  the  enemy,  I  have  almost 
felt  that  every  drop  of  blood  that  was  shed  came  from  my 
own  body.  I  could  not  bear  to  contemplate  the  loss  of 
so  many  men,  if  I  had  not  devoted  my  own  life,  and  noth- 
ing less  than  my  life  to  the  cause  for  which  they  bled 
and  died,  and  had  not  laid  both  soul  and  body  upon  the 
altar  of  freedom  and  national  unity.  I  surely  ought  to  be 
willing  to  mingle  my  blood  with  theirs,  if  need  be. 

Several  nights  during  this  fearful  month  my  dream  has 
again  come  to  me,  in  which  I  was  caught  in  a  fierce  storm, 
and  again  saw  it  written  in  clear  bright  letters  on  the  dark 
sky  over  my  head,  that  the  armies  of  the  Union  would 
triumph  at  last ! 

Washington,  June  lo,  1864.  —  At  the  Union  Repub- 
lican National  Convention,  which  assembled  in  Baltimore 
on  the  7th  inst.,  1  was  nominated  for  president,  all  the  states 
voting  for  me  except  Missouri.  The  platform,  adopted  by 
the  convention  declares  in  most  emphatic  terms  that  the 
war  must  be  prosecuted  until  the  rebellion  is  suppressed,  and 
that  the  institution  of  slavery  must  be  "extirpated  from 
the  soil  of  the  Republic."  It  also  indorses  the  emancipa- 
tion proclamation  and  my  administration  as  a  whole._  I 
would  be  more  than  human,  rather  less  than  human,  if  I 
did  not  highly  appreciate  this  mark  of  confidence.  Look- 
ing back  over  the  years  I  have  been  president,  I  am  far 
from  being  satisfied  with  all  my  acts,  and  yet  I  am  not 
sure  that  any  one  else  could  have  managed  the  case  better 


Wilderness — Atlanta — Cedar  Creek!     121 

that  I  have  done ;  hencel  knew  no  better  response  to  give 
the  committee  of  notification  than  that  I  did  not  think  it 
would  be  wise  to  swap  horses  while  crossing  a  stream  of 
water ! 

Washington,  June  15,  1864.  —  After  his  repulse  at 
Cold  Harbor,  Gen.  Grant  decided  to  move  his  army  to 
the  south  side  of  the  James  river  and  seek  to  flank  Lee  by 
the  capture  of  Petersburg.  He  made  the  movement  with 
great  skill  and  with  very  little  loss,  but  the  assault  on  the 
rebel  lines  at  Petersburg  failed  from  various  causes.  How- 
ever, he  has  secured  a  position  on  the  enemy's  flank  from 
which  he  can  not  be  dislodged,  and  the  fall  of  Petersburg 
and  with  it  the  fall  of  Richmond  is  only  a  question  of  time. 

Washington,  June  20,  1864.  —  Most  gladly  have  we 
learned  that  the  ravages  of  the  Confederate  privateer,  the 
'Alabama"  have  come  to  an  end,  she  having  been  sunk  by 
the  "Kearsarge"  in  the  English  channel  off  the  French 
coast. 

Washington,  June  28,  1864. — With  great  pleasure  I 
have  just  signed  the  bill  repealing  the  fugitive  slave  acts  of 
1793  and  of  1850. 

Washington,  June  30,  1864.  —  My  relations  with  Secre- 
tary Chase  during  the  last  year  have  been  attended  with 
more  or  less  friction,  and  I  have  in  a  number  of  instances 
taken  special  pains  to  placate  him  in  order  to  prevent  his 
resignation.  For  some  days  past  there  has  been  a  pretty 
sharp  difference  of  opinion  between  us  in  reference  to  the 
collectorship  of  the  port  of  New  York,  and  although  the 
matter  was  finally  settled  in  his  own  way,  he  sent  me  his 
written  resignation  yesterday,  with  the  manifest  intention, 
as  I  interpret  his  action,  to  place  me  on  my  good  behavior 
in  the  future.  Today  I  have  replied  by  accepting  his  res- 
ignation, informing  him  that  while  I  have  the  same  high 
appreciation  of  his  ability  and  fidelity  that  I  have  always 
had,  our  official  relations  have  reached  a  point  of  mutual 
embarrassment  that  is  not  for  the  good  of  the  public  serv- 
ice. Of  all  the  public  men  I  have  ever  known  I  consider 
Chase  a  man  and  a  half  in  comparison  with  the  best  of 
them;  but  unfortunately  for  him,  he  has  the  same  opinion 
of  himself !  I  have  never  been  anxious  to  measure  up  be- 
side him  myself ;  but  the  people  have  made  me  president 
instead  of  him,  and  I  must  abide  their  choice,  whether  he 


122      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

enjoys  abiding  it  or  not!  Nevertheless  I  believe  he  would 
make  an  excellent  chief  justice,  should  there  be  a  vacancy 
in  that  office  while  I  have  power  to  make  the  appointment. 

Washington,  July  2,  1864. — Ex-Gov.  David  Tod,  of 
Ohio,  having  declined  the  appointment  of  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  I  sent  the  name  of  William  P.  Fessenden,  chair- 
man of  the  Senate  Finance  committee,  to  the  Senate  to- 
day without  consulting  him.  The  nomination  was  at  once 
confirmed,  and  after  most  earnest  persuason,  Mr.  Fessen- 
den accepted  the  appointment — and  everybody  seems  satis- 
fied. Under  various  acts  of  Congress  we  have  outstand- 
ing $600,000,000  of  legal  tender  notes,  popularly  known  as 
"greenbacks" — but  the  people  have  not  lost  faith  in  their 
government ! 

Washington,  July  18,  1864.  —  On  account  of  our 
severe  losses  in  the  campaign  of  the  summer  I  have  been 
compelled  to  issue  a  call  for  500,000  more  men,  with  notice 
of  draft  in  due  season  if  volunteers  can  not  be  secured. 
The  public  debt  on  June  30th  had  reached  the  fearful  sum 
of  $1,740,000,000  and  the  premium  on  gold  was  over  150 
percent ;  but  whatever  the  cost  may  be,  the  war  must  go 
on  until  we  conquer  a  peace.  For  verily  the  mouth  of  the 
Lord  hath  spoken  it ! 

Washington,  July  24,  1864.  —  The  latest  news  from 
Gen.  Sherman  in  Georgia  is  to  the  effect  that  he  had  crossed 
the  Chattahoochee  river  and  driven  the  rebel  forces  south 
to  the  vicinity  of  Atlanta,  where  he  was  attacked  on  the 
22d  inst.  by  Gen.  Hood  who  had  superseded  Gen.  Johnston 
by  order  of  Jefferson  Davis,  the  engagement  resulting  in 
Hood's  repulse,  although  the  noble  and  much  beloved  Gen. 
McPherson  was  killed  early  in  the  day — a  most  costly 
sacrifice ! 

Washington,  August  i,  1864.  —  The  recent  seating  of 
the  Austrian  Archduke  Maximilian  on  the  "throne"  of 
Mexico  by  the  army  of  the  French  Emperor  Napoleon  is 
a  national  humiliation  that  is  very  hard  to  endure,  but 
our  motto  must  be,  "One  war  at  a  time."  We  must  not 
intervene  or  even  threaten  to  intervene  until  we  can  brush 
the  Southern  Confederacy  aside ;  and  when  that  is  done  I 
feel  very  confident  that  the  people  of  the  North  and 
the  people  of  the  South  will  unite  their  voices  in  declaring 
that  no  monarchy  shall  ever  be  established  or  maintained 


Wilderness — Atlanta  —  Cedar  Creek!      123 

by  any  European  power  or  powers  on  the  soil  of  North 
America ! 

Washington,  September  2,  1864.  —  The  National 
Democratic  Convention,  which  met  in  Baltimore  on  the 
29th  of  August,  nominated  Gen.  McClellan  for  President 
and  George  H.  Pendleton,  a  former  congressman  from 
Cincinnati,  Ohio,  for  Vice  President.  The  platform 
adopted  delares  "that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore 
the  Union  by  the  experiment  of  war,  justice,  humanity, 
liberty  and  the  public  welfare  demand  that  immediate  ef- 
forts be  made  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a  view 
to  an  ultimate  convention  of  the  states  or  other  peaceable 
means,  to  the  end  that  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment 
peace  may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  federal  union 
of  the  states."  McClellan's  friends  probably  hope  that  an 
effective  campaign  can  be  made  on  the  basis  of  his  military 
record — which  is  mainly  a  record  of  victories  never  won 
and  success  never  attained ; — but  this  platform  will  plague 
them  from  now  until  election  day,  whether  McClellan  ac- 
cepts it  or  not. 

Washington,  September  9,  1864. — Louisiana  adopted 
a  new  constitution  yesterday  abolishing  slavery  and  forbid- 
ding the  legislature  to  pass  any  laws  recognizing  the  right 
of  property  in  man. 

Gen.  Sherman  has  furnished  a  very  pertinent  and  sig- 
nificant answer  to  the  resolution  in  the  Democratic  platform 
which  declares  the  war  a  failure  in  a  dispatch  announcing 
that  "Atlanta  is  ours  and  fairly  won!"  The  capture  of 
this  city  is  a  very  important  victory  for  our  arms ;  but 
Hood's  army  is  still  intact,  and  will  have  to  be  destroyed 
or  captured  before  peace  is  obtained. 

Washington,  September  10,  1864.  —  Gen.  McClellan 
has  written  a  letter,  accepting  the  Democratic  nomination 
for  President  but  repudiating  that  portion  of  the  platform 
which  pronounces  the  war  a  failure.  He  declares  that  he 
"could  not  look  in  the  faces  of  his  army  and  navy  com- 
rades and  say  to  them,  that  all  their  labors  and  the  sacrifice 
of  so  many  lives  had  all  been  in  vain,  and  that  we  had 
surrendered  the  Union  for  which  we  had  offered  to  give 
up  our  lives."  Was  ever  a  party  platform  so  spat  upon  by 
a  presidential  candidate? 

Washington,  October  20.  1864. — Sheridan's  forces  on 


124      Supposed  r3iary  oi  President  Lincoln 

Cedar  Creek  in  the  Shenandoah  valley  were  surprised  and 
attacked  early  yesterday  morning  by  Gen.  Early  and  driven 
back  in  great  confusion  and  disorder.  Fortunately,  how- 
ever, Sheridan,  who  was  at  Winchester  15  or  20  miles  to 
the  north  hastened  to  the  field,  and  after  riding  up  and 
down  the  line  of  his  troops  and  assuring  them  that  the  day 
was  not  lost,  moved  against  Early  and  won  a  complete 
victory,  driving  the  enemy  out  of  the  Shenandoah  valley 
never  to  return,  it  is  hoped.  I  have  accordingly  written  to 
Sheridan,  tendering  him  my  own  and  the  nation's  thanks 
for  the  great  service  he  rendered  the  country  by  his  gal- 
lantry and  heroic  conduct. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Battle  of  Nashville  and  Sherman's  March  to  the 

Sea! 

Washington^  November  10,  1864.  —  The  presidential 
election  took  place  on  the  8th  inst.,  with  the  result  that  I 
carried  all  the  states  that  voted  with  the  exception  of  Dela- 
ware, New  Jersey  and  Kentucky,  which  gives  me  a  ma- 
jority of  400,000  on  the  popular  vote  and  212  electoral 
votes  to  McClellan's  21.  I  am  particularly  gratified  that 
Maryland,  after  adopting  a  free  constitution  in  October, 
gave  me  over  7,000  majority,  and  that  Missouri  gave  me 
70,000  votes,  more  than  twice  as  many  as  McClellan  re- 
ceived. The  soldiers,  so  far  as  their  votes  have  been  re- 
turned, supported  me  in  the  ratio  of  three  to  one,  which 
shows  very  clearly  that  they  prefer  to  fight  out  the  battle 
at  the  risk  of  their  lives  rather  than  return  to  their  homes 
at  the  price  of  a  dishonorable  peace. 

Washington,  November  12,  1864. — In  an  address  to 
the  Republican  Clubs  of  this  city  to-day  I  declared  that 
so  long  as  I  have  been  here,  I  have  not  willingly  planted 
a  thorn  in  any  person's  bosom,  and  that  while  I  am  highly 
sensible  of  the  high  honor  of  a  re-election,  and  duly  grate- 
ful to  Almighty  God  for  having  directed  the  people  to  what 
I  consider  a  right  conclusion,  it  adds  nothing  to  my  satis- 
faction that  any  other  man  or  men  may  be  disappointed 
and  pained  by  my  election. 

Washington,    November    13,    1864.  —  We    have    re- 


Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea !  126 

ceived  a  dispatch  from  Gen.  Sherman  stating  that  after 
leaving  sufficient  force  with  Gen.  Thomas  to  resist  Hood's 
threatened  invasion  of  Tennessee,  he  was  about  to  start 
with  an  army  of  60,000  on  his  long  contemplated  move- 
ment to  the  sea  coast,  with  the  view  of  uniting  his  forces 
with  the  army  of  the  Potomac  for  the  capture  of  Rich- 
mond and  the  overthrow  of  Lee's  army. 

Washington,  December  8,  1864. — In  my  annual  mes- 
sage to  Congress  which  assembled  on  the  6th  inst.  I  urged 
the  adoption  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  13th 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  abolishing  slavery  through- 
out the  United  States,  repeating  my  declaration  of  a  year 
ago,  that  I  would  never  retract  the  emancipation  proclama- 
tion or  return  to  slavery  any  persons  who  had  been  freed 
by  it,  and  asserting  that  if  the  people  by  any  mode  or 
means  should  ever  make  it  an  executive  duty  to  re-enslave 
such  persons,  another,  and  not  I,  must  be  their  instrument 
to  perform  it. 

I  have  sent  to  the  Senate  the  nomination  of  Salmon 
P.  Chase  to  be  Chief  Justice  in  place  of  Roger  B.  Taney, 
deceased,  which  nomination  was  at  once  confirmed.  I  feel 
confident  Chase  will  adorn  this  position  as  fully  as  he  has 
adorned  every  other  position  he  has  occupied. 

Washington,  December  17,  1864. — The  gratifying 
news  comes  to  us  from  Nashville  that  Gen.  Thomas  at- 
tacked the  forces  of  Hood  near  that  city  on  the  15th  and 
i6th  insts.  and  completely  routed  them,  and  that  he  is  still 
in  pursuit  of  them  with  a  good  prospect  of  completely 
destroying  Hood's  army. 

This  news  is  peculiarly  gratifying  to  me  from  the  fact 
that  Gen.  Grant  was  on  the  point  of  removing  Gen.  Thomas 
on  account  of  his  delay  in  making  the  attack.  Gen. 
Thomas  has  not  been  as  rapid  in  some  of  his  movements 
as  Gen.  Grant  desired,  but  he  has  been  exceedingly  faith- 
ful and  efficient,  and  has  never  made  a  serious  mistake 
or  lost  a  fight  in  which  he  was  engaged. 

I  have  accordingly  sent  him  my  thanks  and  congratula- 
tions on  account  of  the  signal  and  important  victory  he 
has  won. 

Washington,  December  26,  1864.  —  In  response  to 
Gen.  Sherman's  telegram  of  yesterday  presenting  me  with 
the  city  of  Savannah  as  a  Christmas  gift,  I  have  written 


126      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

him  a  letter  in  which  I  inform  him  that  I  was  very  anxious 
about  the  result  when  he  left  Atlanta  for  the  Atlantic 
coast,  and  now  that  his  undertaking  has  proved  successful, 
the  honor  all  belongs  to  him,  and  that  the  work  of  General 
Thomas  in  Tennessee  being  taken  into  account,  as  it 
SHOULD  BE^  it  brings  those  who  sat  in  darkness  to  see  a 
great  light.  Gen  Sherman's  campaigns  of  the  year  prove 
him  to  be  one  of  the  greatest  of  military  strategists,  and  his 
march  to  the  Sea  wil  be  told  in  song  and  story  as  long  as 
this  Republic  lasts. 


Chapter  XXVIII. 


Fort  Fisher — Richmond — Petersburg — Five  Forks — 

Appomattox  ! 

Washington,  January  i6,  1865. — Being  much  disap- 
pointed over  Gen.  Butler's  failure  to  capture  Fort  Fisher 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Cape  Fear  river,  I  caused  an  urgent 
request  to  be  sent  to  Gen.  Grant  for  another  expedition 
against  that  Fort.  Gen.  Grant  at  once  complied  and  placed 
a  sufficient  force  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Terry  for 
that  purpose;  and  on  yesterday  we  received  the  news  that 
the  Fort  was  captured  with  about  2,000  prisoners.  This 
victory  will  surely  be  followed  by  the  capture  of  Wilming- 
ton some  twenty-five  miles  up  the  river,  which  has  been 
such  a  favorable  port  for  blockade  runners  since  the  war 
began. 

Washington,  January  19,  1865. — The  Confederate 
Congress  has  passed  a  bill  placing  Gen.  Lee  in  supreme 
command  of  their  armies ;  also  a  bill  for  the  arming  of 
their  negroes.  It  is  a  trite  saying  that  you  can  easily  lead 
a  horse  to  water,  but  you  can  not  make  him  drink;  so  I 
might  say  that  even  if  our  enemies  should  arm  all  their 
negroes,  they  can  not  make  them  fight  for  the  Confederacy. 

Washington,  January  24,  1865. — I  dreamed  last 
night  that  as  I  was  walking  on  a  crowded  street  of  Chi- 
cago I  heard  a  man  pretty  close  to  me  remark  in  a  rather 
sarcastic  tone,  "Why,  he's  a  very  common  looking  fellow." 
Upon  which,  supposing  that  he  meant  me,  I  turned  to  him 
in  my  dream  and  replied,  "My  friend,  the  Lord  prefers  com- 
mon-looking people,  that  is  why  he  made  so  many  of 
them," 


Richmond —  Petersburg — Appomattox  !     127 

Washington,  January  31,  1865. — The  13th  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  abohshing  slavery  in  the  United 
States,  which  failed  to  receive  the  necessary  two-thirds 
vote  in  the  lower  house  of  the  last  Congress,  was  adopted 
to-day  by  the  House  of  Representatives  by  a  vote  of  119 
to  56,  being  seven  more  than  the  necessary  two-thirds. 
All  that  is  now  needed  to  make  this  amendment  a  part  of 
our  fundamental  law  is  its  ratification  by  three-fourths 
of  the  states;  and  then  this  nation  will  enjoy  "the  new 
birth  of  freedom,"  that  I  prophesied  in  my  Gettysburg 
address. 

Washington,  February  i,  1865. — I  was  very  much 
gratified  at  receiving  a  telegram  from  Springfield  today, 
stating  that  the  Illinois  Legislature  had  taken  the  lead  in 
ratifying  the  Constitutional  amendment  that  was  adopted 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  yesterday. 

Washington,  February  2,  1865. — After  making  the 
most  diligent  and  careful  preparations,  Gen.  Sherman 
started  with  the  two  wings  of  his  army  from  Beaufort  yes- 
terday for  a  march  through  the  Carolinas  en  route  to  a 
junction  with  Gen.  Grant's  forces.  This  surely  means  the 
doom  of  Lee's  army,  although  Sherman  will  have  many 
difficulties  to  overcome,  and  his  former  antagonist,  Gen. 
Joseph  E.  Johnston,  has  been  placed  in  command  of  the 
forces  opposed  to  him. 

Hampton  Roads,  February  3,  1865. — Seward  and  I 
met  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  R.  j\L  T.  Hunter  and  John 
A.  Campbell,  representatives  of  the  Confederate  govern- 
ment, here  to-day,  at  their  request,  for  a  conference  con- 
cerning the  close  of  the  war.  We  spent  several  hours  in 
courteous  conversation;  but  inasmuch  as  I  informed  them 
at  the  start  that  I  could  discuss  no  terms  of  peace  with 
them  except  on  the  basis  of  the  Confederate  states  lay- 
ing down  their  arms  immediately,  and  that  I  would  never 
recede  from  the  terms  of  the  emancipation  proclamation, 
and  as  they  stated  that  Mr.  Davis  would  never  treat  for 
peace  on  those  terms,  our  conference  closed  with  no  re- 
sult. In  response  to  Mr.  Hunter's  mention  of  King  Charles 
the  First,  who  treated  with  his  English  subjects  while 
they  were  in  arms  against  him,  I  merely  expressed  my 
recollection  that  King  Charles  lost  his  head. 

Washington,  February  6,   1865. — In  a  Whig  speech 


128      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

that  I  once  delivered  on  internal  improvements  I  asserted 
that  an  honest  laborer  digs  coal  or  earth  for  seventy  cents 
a  day,  while  the  President  digs  abstractions  at  about 
seventy  dollars  a  day,  and  that  the  coal  or  earth  is  worth 
far  more  than  the  abstractions.  But  since  I  have  been 
President  myself,  I  have  found  very  little  time  for  digging 
abstractions.  Nearly  everything  I  have  dug  has  been  very 
concrete,  whether  very  valuable  or  not. 

Washington,  February  22,  1865.  —  Gen.  J.  M. 
Schofield,  whose  23rd  Army  Corps  was  recently  ordered 
east  by  Gen.  Grant  from  Nashville,  was  placed  in  com- 
mand in  North  Carolina  by  Gen.  Grant  as  soon  as  he  ar- 
rived, and  at  once  moved  on  the  city  of  Wilmington. 
After  capturing  Fort  Anderson  Gen.  Schofield  celebrated 
this  anniversary  of  Washington's  birthday  by  an  unopposed 
entrance  into  that  city,  thus  effectually  closing  the  last 
seaport  of  rebeldom. 

Washington,  February  26,  1865.  —  Gov.  Andrew 
Johnson  yesterday  issued  his  proclamation  announcing  that 
the  new  Constitution  of  Tennessee  abolishing  slavery  was 
ratified  by  the  people  of  that  state  on  the  22  inst. 

Washington,  March  3,  1865.  —  Received  a  telegram 
from  Gen.  Grant  to-day  stating  that  he  had  received  over- 
tures from  Gen.  Lee  for  a  conference  in  reference  to  a 
settlement  of  our  difficulties ;  and  I  at  once  replied  by  di- 
recting him  to  hold  no  conference  with  Gen.  Lee,  unless  it 
be  for  the  capitulation  of  his  army  or  some  other  mili- 
tary matter,  and  that  he  is  not  to  decide  or  discuss  any 
political  questions  with  the  commander  of  the  rebel  forces. 

I  have  signed  the  bill  fixing  a  tax  of  ten  per  cent  on 
the  issues  of  all  state  banks,  the  object  of  which  is  to  drive 
all  paper  money  not  issued  by  the  government  out  of  cir- 
culation and  secure  a  uniform  and  wholly  reliable  currency 
for  the  whole  country. 

Washington,  March  4,  1865. — Before  writing  the  In- 
augural address  which  I  delivered  to-day  I  spent  conside- 
rable time  re-reading  and  pondering  the  writings  of  the 
Hebrew  prophets  and  the  Psalms  of  King  David.  What 
a  sense  of  the  divine  justice  and  judgments  these  old 
prophets  had,  and  what  preachers  of  justice  and  righteous- 
ness they  all  were.  I  also  spent  a  good  deal  of  time  poring 
over  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  and  other  portions  of  the 


Richmond  —  Petersburg — Appomattox  !    129 

New  Testament,  especially  St.  Paul's  sermon  on  Mars  Hill 
near  Athens. 

Realizing  that  my  position  on  the  emancipation  proc- 
lamation and  the  continued  prosecution  of  the  war  was 
well  known,  that  no  particular  outline  of  the  policy  to  be 
pursued  after  the  war  is  over  could  be  given,  and  that  I 
should  neither  feel  nor  express  any  exultation  on  account 
of  my  re-election,  it  came  to  me  as  a  divine  command  that 
I  should  make  known  to  the  people,  in  as  few  words  as  pos- 
sible, my  convictions  concerning  the  war  in  which  we  are  en- 
gaged, and  declare  it  a  divine  judgment  on  both  the  North 
and  the  South  for  the  wrong  of  slavery  which  we  have 
tolerated  for  more  than  two  centuries.* 

I  also  felt  impelled — shall  I  say  inspired? — to  express 
my  feeling  that  we  should  continue  the  prosecution  of  the 
war  without  malice  toward  our  enemies,  and  that  the  work 
of  restoration  after  the  war  is  over  should  be  carried  on 
with  the  utmost  charity  and  good-will  toward  all  the  people, 
to  the  end  that  we  may  have  perpetual  peace  among  our- 
selves, and  may,  if  possible,  avoid  all  conflict  with  other 
nations.     [See  Appendix.] 

In  preparing  and  delivering  this  Inaugural  I  believe 
that  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  God  was  upon  me  as  truly  as 
it  was  upon  the  prophet  Isaiah  when  he  proclaimed  the 
acceptable  year  of  the  Lord  to  the  people  of  Israel;  and 
I  think  it  will  last  longer  than  anything  I  have  produced, 
unless  it  be  my  Gettysburg  address,  which  has  already 
secured  more  attention  and  comment  than  I  ever  expected 
it  would. 

Washington,  March  20,  1865.— The  Confederate 
Congress  adjourned  two  or  three  days  ago,  the  members 
returning  to  their  homes  in  a  very  despairing  state  of  mind 
concerning  the  fate  of  their  government.  Vice  President 
Stephens  left  Richmond  for  Georgia  soon  after  our  meet- 

*Mr.  Lincoln's  second  Inaugural  address  was  characterized  by 
a  solernn  religious  tone,  so  free  from  earthly  passion,  that  it  seems 
as  if  his  soul  had  parted  from  all  earthly  things  and  felt  the  pow- 
ers of  the  world  to  come.  It  was  the  soliloquy  of  a  great  soul 
reviewing  its  course  under  a  vast  responsibility  and  appealing  from 
all  earthly  judgments  to  the  tribunal  of  Infinite  Justice.  It  was  a 
solemn  clearing  of  his  soul  for  the  great  sacrament  of  death! — 
Harriet  Beecher  Stowe. 

*9 


130      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

ing  at  Hampton  Roads.  I  wonder  what  he  thinks  about 
human  slavery  as  a  "corner  stone"  of  government  in  this 
nineteenth  century? 

City  Point,  Va.,  March  27,  1865. — By  invitation  of 
Gen.  Grant  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  I  have  spent  the  last  few 
days  at  this  place  making  our  home  on  the  steamer  "River 
Queen,"  this  being  almost  the  only  relaxation  I  have  had 
since  my  first  inauguration.  To-day  I  had  the  great  pleas- 
ure of  an  interview  with  Gen.  Sherman,  who  had  come  up 
from  Goldsboro,  and  of  expressing  to  him  my  apprecia- 
tion of  his  great  success  in  marching  his  army  through  the 
Carolinas.  I  have  greatly  enjoyed  my  visits  to  the  camps 
of  Grant's  army  and  the  acquaintance  I  have  formed  with 
many  of  his  officers  and  soldiers. 

Petersburg,  Va.,  April  2,  1865. — This  rebel  strong- 
hold having  been  evacuated  by  Gen.  Lee  on  account  of 
Sheridan's  signal  victory  over  his  right  wing  at  Five  Forks 
on  the  ist  inst.,  I  was  invited  by  Gen.  Grant  to  review  his 
troops  as  they  marched  through  the  city  to-day  in  pursuit 
of  their  retreating  enemy.  Last  night  I  dreamed  again 
that  I  read  the  triumph  of  our  armies  on  the  sky  above 
my  head,  but  it  was  a  sky  from  which  the  clouds  were 
fast  disappearing,  and  instead  of  the  words,  "shall  triumph 
at  last,"  I  read  that  our  triumph  is  near  at  hand !  And 
I  thought  I  could  read  the  same  prophecy  in  the  faces  of 
all  our  soldiers,  as  they  proudly  marched  through  this  city 
to-day;  for  Gen.  Grant  has  assured  them  that  he  will  not 
only  pursue  Lee  but  will  surround  him  and  compel  him  to 
surrender  his  whole  army. 

City  Point,  April  3,  1865. — On  my  return  here  to- 
day I  learned  that  Mr.  Davis  while  attending  church  on 
Sunday,  the  2d  inst.,  received  a  telegram  from  Gen.  Lee 
informing  him  that  on  account  of  Sheridan's  victory  at 
Five  Forks,  Richmond  would  have  to  be  evacuated.  Davis 
and  other  Confederate  officials  left  the  city  on  the  even- 
ing train  for  Danville,  and  to-day  our  forces  under  Gen. 
Weitzel  have  occupied  it. 

Richmond,  Va.,  April  4,  1865.  —  Reached  this  city 
from  City  Point  this  forenoon  and  was  escorted  to  Gen. 
Weitzel's  headquarters  in  the  same  house  occupied  by  Jef- 
ferson Davis  the  last  four  years.  The  colored  population 
were  very  jubilant  and  greeted  me  with  marked  enthusiasm. 


Richmond  —  Petersburg  — Appomattox !    131 

The  city  was  in  great  confusion  and  disorder,  and  the 
tobacco  warehouses  that  were  set  on  fire  by  the  Confederate 
authorities  with  some  other  buildings  are  still  burning;  but 
Gen.  Weitzel  is  making  the  most  vigorous  efforts  to  re- 
store order  and  to  supply  the  people  with  the  provisions 
of  which  most  of  them  are  in  pressing  need.  I  hope  we 
will  have  no  difficulty  in  convincing  them  that  we  have 
no  desire  to  oppress  or  humiliate  them,  but  that  we  rather 
desire  to  give  them  the  blessing  of  free  citizenship  in  a 
restored  Union. 

Washington,  April  9,  1865. — A  telegram  was  received 
from  Gen.  Grant  to-day  stating  that  after  a  week's  con- 
tinuous marching  and  fighting  he  had  surrounded  the  rebel 
forces  with  both  cavalry  and  infantry,  and  that  Lee  had 
surrendered  his  entire  command  of  some  25,000  men  as 
prisoners  of  war,  with  the  agreement  that  they  were  to 
be  paroled  on  signing  a  pledge  not  to  take  up  arms  against 
the  United  States  until  properly  exchanged.  While  I  can 
not  indulge  any  feelings  of  exultation  over  the  humilia- 
tion of  our  antagonists,  I  do  rejoice  with  joy  unspeakable 
that  we  are  to  have  no  more  fighting  or  bloodshed,  and  that 
the  Union  of  the  North  and  South  is  to  be  perpetual.* 

Washington,  April  13,  1864. — After  due  considera- 
tion and  consultation  with  Gen.  Grant,  orders  have  been 
issued  by  the  War  Department  to  stop  all  recruiting  and 
remove  all  restrictions  on  trade  and  commerce  with  the 
South  as  far  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  public  safety. 
Our  volunteer  soldiers  will  also  be  mustered  out  of  service 
very  soon ;  for  the  ministering  angel  of  peace  has  returned 
to  our  land ! 

Washington,  April  14,  1865. — I  have  given  a  great 
deal  of  attention  to  the  problem  of  reconstruction  during 
the  past  year,  and  since  the  surrender  of  Lee's  army  I 
have  thought  of  little  else.  I  have  always  maintained 
that  we  should  spend  no  time  discussing  the  question 
whether  the  seceded  states  are  in  the  Union  or  out  of  it, 
but  that  we  should  make  all  due  haste  to  restore  them  to 
their  normal  functions  and  relations  in  our  common  gov- 
ernment; and  at  a  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  this  forenoon 

*Without  doubt  the  greatest  man  of  rebellion  times,  the  one 
matchless  among  forty  millions  for  the  peculiar  difficulties  of  the 
period,  was  Abraham  Lincoln. — Gen.  James  Longstreet. 


132      Supposed  Diary  of  President  Lincoln 

I  asked  them  all  to  give  the  subject  their  most  careful 
consideration  and  give  their  views  as  to  the  best  means  of 
securing  this  object  when  we  meet  again  on  the  iSth  inst. 
I  told  them  all  explicitly  that  since  more  than  300,000 
men  on  our  side  and  at  least  200,000  on  the  side  of  the 
South  had  lost  their  lives  in  battle  or  had  died  from  dis- 
ease during  the  war,  enough  blood  had  been  shed,  and  that 
we  would  have  no  executions  or  reprisals  or  vindictive 
punishments,  reciting  to  them  the  beautitudes  of  the  New 
Testament  and  the  familiar  words  of  Shakespeare : 

''The  quality  of  mercy  is  not  strained, 
It  droppeth  as  the  gentle  rain  from  Heaven 
Upon  the  place  beneath.     It  is  twice  blessed; 
It  blesseth  him  that  gives  and  him  that  takes. 
It  is  enthroned  in  the  heart  of  kings; 
It  is  an  attribute  to  God  himself; 
And  earthly  power  doth  them  show  likest  God's, 
When  Mercy  Seasons  Justice  !"  * 

I  also  informed  the  Cabinet  and  Gen.  Grant,  who  was 
present,  that  I  felt  sure  we  would  soon  have  good  news 
from  Sherman,  for  I  had  the  same  dream  last  night  that 
I  had  before  the  battles  of  Murfreesboro,  Antietam,  Vicks- 
burg  and  Gettysburg;  namely,  that  I  was  sailing  on  a 
peculiar  kind  of  vessel  toward  a  dark  shore,  which  re- 
ceded from  me  whenever  I  approached  it.  I  can  not  now 
imagine  anything  very  important  that  is  likely  to  happen 
but  a  battle  between  Sherman's  and  Johnston's  forces  or 
the  surrender  of  Johnston's  forces  without  a  battle — but 
I  am  certain  that  something  of  importance  will  happen 
soon ! 

My  supreme  desire  from  the  day  of  my  first  inaugura- 
tion has  been  to  see  all  the  states  of  our  Union  united  un- 
der one  government  and  one  flag;  and  I  have  now  no  other 
ambition  than  the  privilege  of  presiding  over  the  whole 
country  during  the  coming  four  years  and  proving  my- 
self the  friend  of  the  South  as  well  as  the  friend  of  the 
North.  Then  I  will  return  to  Springfield  and  earn  my 
own  bread  by  resuming  the  practice  of  law.  I  have  no 
idea  that  the  people  will  want  me  to  serve  them  beyond 

*Mr.  Lincoln  never  abused  his  great  power  except  on  the  side 
of  mercy  and  humanity. — He  is  the  gentlest  memory  of  our  earth!. — 
Robert  G.  Ingersoll. 


Richmond  —  Petersburg  — Appomattox  !     1 33 

my  second  term,  and  even  if  they  should,  I  would  follow 
the  example  of  Washington  and  decline  any  further  bur- 
dens or  honors. 

I  want  the  people  of  the  South  to  come  back  to  the 
old  home,  to  sit  down  at  the  old  fireside,  to  sleep  under 
the  old  roof,  and  to  labor  and  rest  and  worship  God  un- 
der the  old  flag.  I  have  piloted  our  ship  of  state  through 
the  storms  and  stress  of  war  for  four  long  years;  and 
now  I  rejoice  to  see  her  coming  into  port  to  receive  the 
repairs  she  needs  for  future  voyages  under  the  skies  of 
peace  and  prosperity.  For  four  long  years  I  have  seen 
the  flag  of  our  Union  riddled  with  bullets  and  torn  with 
shell  and  trailed  in  the  dust  before  the  eyes  of  all  the 
nations ;  and  now  I  am  hoping  that  it  will  please  God  to 
let  me  live,  until  I  shall  see  that  same  flag,  unsullied  and 
untorn,  waving  over  the  greatest  and  most  powerful  nation 
of  the  earth — over  a  nation  of  freemen — over  no  master 

AND  OVER  NO  SLAVE  ! 

"  'Tis  the  Star  Spangled  Banner,  O  long  may  it  wave 
O'er   the   land   of   the  free   and   the   home    of   the   brave!" 

But  my  heart  is  too  full  of  rejoicing  over  the  end  of 
the  war  and  the  return  of  peace  to  enjoy  that  play  at  the 
theater  tonight.  If  the  people  were  not  expecting  me  and 
I  hadn't  promised  to  be  there,  I  wouldn't  go.  I  would 
much  rather  stay  at  home 

END    OF    ''supposed    DIARY." 


APPENDIX 


LINCOLN  STORIES  AND  ANECDOTES. 

Lincoln's  cousin,  Dennis  Hanks,  gives  the  following  account  of 
his  birth  and  early  childhood :  "Tom  and  Nancy  lived  on  a  farm 
about  two  miles  from  us  when  Abe  was  born.  I  ricoUect  Tom 
comin'  over  to  our  house  one  cold  mornin'  in  February  an'  sayin' 
kind  o'  slow,  'Nancy's  got  a  boy  baby.'  Mother  got  flustered  an' 
hurried  up  her  work  to  go  over  an'  look  arter  the  little  feller, 
but  I  didn't  hev  nuthin'  to  wait  fur,  so  I  cut  and  run  the  hull  two 
miles  to  see  my  new  cousin.  Abe  never  was  much  fur  looks. 
I  ricollect  how  Tom  joked  about  Abe's  long  legs  when  he  was 
toddlin'  round  the  cabin,  an'  he  growed  out  o'  his  clothes  faster'n 
Nancy  could  make  'em.  Abe  never  giv  Nancy  no  trouble  after  he 
could  walk  excep'  to  keep  him  in  clothes.  Abe  was  right  out  in 
the  woods  about  as  soon  as  he  was  weaned,  tishin'  in  the  crick, 
settin'  traps  fur  rabbits  and  muskrats,  goin'  on  coon  hunts  with  Tom 
an'  me  an'  the  dogs,  follerin'  up  bees  to  find  bee  trees,  an'  drappin' 
corn  fur  his  daddy.  He  was  mighty  good  comp'ny  and  interESted  in 
almost  everything." 

A  very  earnest  Christian  man  once  expressed  the  hope  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  that  the  Lord  was  on  our  side  in  the  contest  against  the 
rebellion.  "I  am  not  at  all  concerned  about  that,"  Lincoln  replied, 
"but  it  is  my  constant  hope  and  prayer  that  we  may  always  be  on 
the  Lord's  side!" 

An  officer  who  had  some  trouble  with  Gen.  Sherman  complained 
that  Sherman  had  threatened  to  shoot  him.  "Threatened  to  shoot 
you?"  Lincoln  replied,  "Well,  if  I  were  you,  I  would  keep  out  of 
his  way,  for  he  will  be  very  apt  to  do  it!" 

When  Edwin  M.  Stanton  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War, 
many  people  who  knew  his  imperious  temper  feared  he  would 
"run  away  with  the  whole  concern,"  but  their  anxiety  only  drew 
from  Lincoln  the  reply:  "We  may  have  to  serve  him  like  they  serve 
a  Methodist  preacher  I  know  out  west.  He  sometimes  gets  worked 
up  to  so  high  a  pitch  of  excitement  in  his  sermons  and  prayers  that 
they  have  to  put  bricks  in  his  pockets  to  keep  him  down.  We 
may  have  to  do  the  same  with  Stanton,  but  I  guess  we  will  let  him 
jump  around  awhile  first." 

When  Lincoln's  family  were  moving  from  Indiana  to  Illinois, 
they  had  a  little  pet  dog,  which  followed  after  the  wagon.  One  day 
the  little  animal  fell  behind,  and  did  not  catch  up  until  they  had 
crossed  a  stream  of  water  a  foot  or  two  deep.  The  water  was 
running  over  the  edges  of  the  ice,  and  the  dog  was  afraid  to  cross. 
"But  I  could  not  bear  the  idea  of  abandoning  even  a  dog,"  relates 
Lincoln,  "so  pulling  off  my  shoes  and  socks,  I  waded  across  the 
stream  and  returned  with  him  in  my  arm.  His  frantic  leaps  of 
joy  amply  repaid  me  for  the  exposure  I  had  undergone." 

(134) 


Lincoln  Stories  and  Anecdotes  135 

In  replying  to  one  of  Douglas'  speeches  in  which  the  Judge 
spoke  of  his  confidence  in  Providence  Lincoln  said :  "I  suspect  that 
Douglas'  confidence  is  not  more  firmly  fixed  than  that  of  the  old 
woman  whose  horse  ran  away  with  her  in  the  buggy.  She  said  she 
"trusted  in  Providence  till  the  brichen  broke,  and  then  she  didn't 
know  what  on  airth  to  do." 

A  member  of  Congress  once  came  into  Lincoln's  presence  in  a 
state  of  intoxication,  and  quoted  the  first  line  of  Lincoln's  favorite 
poem,  "Oh,  why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  man  be  proud?"  "My 
dear  sir,"  said  Lincoln,  eveing  him  closely,  "I  see  no  reason  what- 
ever !" 

Lincoln's  stepmother  not  long  before  her  death,  said  of  him : 
"I  can  say  what  few  mothers  can  say;  Abe  never  gave  me  a  cross 
word  or  look,  and  never  refused  to  do  anything  I  asked  him.  His 
mind  and  mine — what  little  I  had — seemed  always  to  run  together. 
I  had  a  son  John  who  was  raised  with  Abe.  They  were  both  good 
boys,  but  I  can  say,  both  being  now  dead,  that  Abe  was  the  best 
boy  I  ever  saw  or  expect  to  see." 

One  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  Springfield  neighbors  relates  the  follow- 
ing: "I  was  called  to  the  door  one  day  by  the  cries  of  children  in 
the  street,  and  there  was  Mr.  Lincoln  striding  by  with  his  two  little 
boys,  both  of  whom  were  crying  pretty  loud.  "What's  the  matter 
with  the  boys?"  I  asked.  "Just  what's  the  matter  with  the 
whole  world,"  Lincoln  replied ;  "I've  got  three  walnuts,  and  each  of 
them   wants   two." 

A  New  York  business  house  once  applied  to  Lincoln  for  in- 
formation concerning  the  financial  standing  of  one  of  his  Spring- 
field neighbors  and  received  this  reply :  "Mr.  Blank  has,  first  of  all, 
a  wife  and  baby,  together  they  ought  to  be  worth  $50,000  to  any 
man ;  second,  he  has  an  office  containing  a  table  worth,  say  $L50,  and 
three  chairs  worth  $1.00;  last  of  all,  there  is  a  rat  hole  in  the  cor- 
ner that  will  bear  looking  into." 

When  Lord  Lyons,  the  British  ambassador  at  Washington, 
made  a  formal  call  on  the  President  to  announce  the  approaching 
marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  Lincoln  responded  by  shaking 
the  written  paper  containing  the  announcement  at  the  bachelor  min- 
ister and  saying:   "Lord  Lyons,  go  thou  and   do   likewise!" 

A  certain  man  once  called  on  Mr.  Lincoln  requesting  a  pass 
to  Richmond  to  whom  Lincoln  replied :  "I  should  be  very  happy 
to  accommodate  you,  but  since  I  became  President  I  have  given 
passes  to  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  men  to  go  to  Richmond 
and  not  one  of  them  has  ever  got  there !" 


LINCOLN   ANTHOLOGY. 

In  this  senatorial  contest  Judge  Douglas  has  every  external 
advantage  over  me.  All  the  politicians  of  his  party  expect  him  at 
some  time  to  become  President  of  the  United  States ;  consequently 
they  see  in  his  rotund,  jolly,  fruitful  face,  post-offices,  land  offices, 
marshalships,   cabinet  appointments  and   foreign  missions,   bursting 


136  Appendix 

and  sprouting  out  in  wonderful  luxuriance,  ready  to  be  laid  hold  of 
by  their  greedy  hands.  On  the  contrary,  nobody  has  ever  expected 
me  to  be  President ;  and  consequently  in  my  lean,  lank  face,  no- 
body has  ever  seen  that  any  cabbages  were  sprouting  out ! — Speech 
AT  Springfield,  July  17,  1858. 

Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in  the  ultimate 
justice  of  the  people?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope  in  the  world? 
If  theAlmighty  ruler  of  nations,  with  his  eternal  truth  and  justice, 
be  on  your  side  of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth 
and  that  justice  will  surely  prevail  by  the  judgment  of  this  great 
tribunal,  the  American  people. — Lincoln's  First  Inaugural  Address, 
March  4,  1861. 

It  may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a  just 
God's  assistance  in  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of  other 
men's  faces;  but  let  us  judge  not,  that  we  be  not  judged. — Second 
Inaugural  Address,  March  4,  1866. 

Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in  that  faith,  let 
us  to  the  end  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it. — Address  at 
Cooper  Institute,  New  York  City,  February  27,  1860. 

Truth  to  speak,  I  do  not  appreciate  this  matter  of  rank  on 
paper  as  you  officers  do.  The  country  knows  that  you  fought  the 
battle  of  Stone  River,  and  what  difference  does  it  make  whether  you 
rank  Gen.  Grant,  or  he  ranks  you?— Letter  to  Gen.  Rosecrans, 
March  17,  1863. 

I  have  always  thought  that  all  men  should  be  free ;  but  if  any 
men  ought  to  be  slaves,  it  should  be  first,  those  who  desire  slavery 
for  themselves,  and,  secondly,  those  who  desire  it  for  others.  When- 
ever I  hear  a  man  arguing  for  slavery,  I  feel  a  strong  impulse  to 
see  it  tried  on  him  personally. — Speech  to  an  Indiana  Regiment, 
March  17,  1865. 

If  we  shall  suppose  American  slavery  to  be  one  of  those  of- 
fences, which,  in  the  Providence  of  God,  must  needs  come,  but  which 
having  continued  through  his  appointed  time,  he  now  wills  to  re- 
move and  that  he  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible  war 
as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offense  came,  shall  we  discern 
therein  any  departure  from  those  divine  attributes  which  believers 
in  a  living  God  have  always  ascribed  to  him? — Second  Inaugural 
Address. 

Do  you  know  I  am  a  military  hero?  In  the  days  of  the  Black 
Hawk  war  I  fought,  bled  —  and  came  away !— Speech  in  Congress, 
July  27,  1848. 

Peace  does  not  appear  so  far  distant  as  it  did.  I  hope  it  will 
come  soon,  and  come  to  stay ;  and  so  come  as  to  be  worth  the  keep- 
ing in  all  future  time.  It  will  then  have  been  proved  that  among 
freemen  there  can  be  no  successful  appeal  from  the  ballot  to  the 
bullet,  and  that  they  who  take  such  appeal  must  lose  their  case  and 
pay  the  costs.— Letter  to  a  Meeting  of  Union  Men  at  Springfield, 
Ills.,  August  26,  1863. 

He  who   does   something  at  the  head   of  one   Regiment   will 


Lincoln  Anthology  I37 

eclipse  him  who  does  nothing  at  the  head  of  a  hundred. — Letter  to 
General  David  Hunter,  December  2,  1861. 

I  was  never  satisfied  with  the  slowness  of  Buell  and  McClellan, 
but  before  I  relieved  them  I  feared  I  should  not  find  better  successors, 
and  1  have  little  as  yet  to  relieve  those  fears. — Letter  to  Carl 
Shurz,  November  24,  1862. 

Very  few  men  are  flattered  by  being  shown  that  there  has  been 
a  difference  of  purpose  between  the  Almighty  and  them ! — Letter  to 
Thurlow  Weed,  March  9,  1865. 

I  AM  naturally  anti-slavery.  If  slavery  is  not  wrong, 
nothing  is  wrong.  I  do  not  remember  when  I  did  not  so  think  and 
feel.  *  *  *  J  claim  not  to  have  controlled  events,  but  confess 
plainly  that  events  have  controlled  me. — Letter  to  A.  C.  Hodges, 
April  4,  1864. 

You  can  fool  all  of  the  people  some  of  the  time  and  some 
of  the  people  all  the  time;  but  you  can  not  fool  all  the  people  all 
the  time. — Speech  at  Clinton,  Ills.,  Sept.  8,  1858. 

Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this  mighty 
scourge  of  war  may  soon  pass  away.  Yet  if  God  wills  that  it  con- 
tinue until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondman's  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years  of  unrequitted  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every 
drop  of  blood  drawn  by  the  lash  shall  be  paid  with  another  drawn 
by  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  must  it 
still  be  said,  "The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous 
altogether." — Second  Inaugural  Address.  [Could  Mr.  Lincoln  have 
expressed  himself  in  this  manner,  if  the  shadow  of  his  tragic  fate 
was  not  resting  on  his  soul,  and  he  had  not  received  some  sort 
of  premonition  that  his  own  blood  must  be  placed  in  the  scales  of 
the  Eternal  Justice?] 

Let  every  young  man  choosing  the  law  for  a  calling  resolve 
to  be  honest  at  all  events,  and  if  in  his  own  judgment,  he  can  not 
be  an  honest  lawyer,  let  him  resolve  to  be  honest  without  being  a 
lawyer. — Notes  for  a  Law  Lecture,  July  1,  1850. 

I  am  very  glad  that  the  elections  this  fall  have  gone  favor- 
ably and  that  I  have  not,  by  native  depravity,  or  under  evil  in- 
fluences, done  anything  bad  enough  to  prevent  the  good  result. 
I  hope  to  "stand  firm"  enough  not  to  go  backward  and  yet  not  go 
forward  fast  enough  to  wreck  the  country's  cause. — Letter  to 
Zachariah  Chandler,  Nov.  20,  1863. 

The  signs  look  better.  Vicksburg  has  fallen ;  and  the  Father 
of  Waters  again  goes  unvexed  to  the  sea ! — Letter  to  J.  C.  Conk- 
ling,  Aug.  26,  1863. 

Mrs.  Lincoln  declares  that  your  soap  is  a  superior  article,  but 
she  protests  that  I  have  never  given  sufiicient  attention  to  the 
soap  question  to  be  a  competent  judge. — Letter  to  Prof.  Gard- 
ner, Sept.  28,  1860. 

I  can  not  fly  from  my  thoughts ;  my  solicitude  for  this  great 
cause  follows  me  wherever  I  go. — Interview  with  John  T.  Mills. 
Aug.  15,  1864. 


138  Appendix 

With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness 
in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on 
to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds ; 
to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle  and  for  his  widow 
and  his  orphan;  to  do  all  that  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and 
lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations ! — Second  In- 
augural Address.  

TRIBUTES  TO  LINCOLN. 

Again  a  great  leader  of  the  people  has  passed  through  toil, 
sorrow,  battle  and  war,  and  come  near  to  the  promised  land  of 
peace,  into  which  he  might  not  pass  over !  By  day  and  by  night 
he  trod  a  way  of  danger  and  darkness ;  and  on  his  shoulders 
rested  a  government  dearer  to  him  than  his  own  life.  Upon 
thousands  of  hearts  great  sorrows  have  rested;  but  not  on  one 
such  and  in  such  manner  as  upon  that  simple,  truthful,  faithful 
soul.  He  wrestled  ceaselessly  through  four  blackened,  purgatorial 
years,  wherein  God  was  cleansing  the  sin  of  his  people  as  by  fire. 
At  last  the  darkness  broke,  and  the  morning  of  peace  dawned 
upon  us.  Then  it  -was  for  him  to  be  glad  exceedingly  that  had 
sorrowed  so  immeasurably.  Peace  could  bring  to  no  other  heart 
such  joy,  such  rest,  such  honor,  such  gratitude;  but  he  looked  upon 
it  as  Moses  looked  upon  the  promised  land.  *  *  Rest,  O  weary 
heart.  Rejoice  exceedingly,  thou  who  hast  enough  suffered.  Thou 
hast  beheld  Him,  who  invisibly  led  thee  in  this  great  wilderness. 
Thou  standest  among  the  elect,  and  thy  home  is  with  the  spirits 
of  the  just  made  perfect.  Around  thee  are  all  the  heroes  and  saints 
who  have  ennobled  human  life  in  every  age;  and  joy  is  upon  thee 
forevermore  ! — Henry  Ward  Beecher. 

Lincoln  was  a  man  of  profound  and  intense  religious  feel- 
ing. From  that  morning,  when,  standing  amid  the  falling  snow- 
flakes  on  the  railway  car  at  Springfield,  he  asked  the  prayers  of  his 
neighbors,  to  the  memorable  hour,  when  he  humbled  himself 
before  his  Creator  in  the  sublime  words  of  the  second  inaugural, 
there  was  not  an  expression  from  his  lips  or  his  pen  but  proves 
that  he  held  himself  answerable  in  his  every  act  to  a  more  august 
tribunal  than  any  on  earth.  The  fact  that  he  was  not  a  mem- 
ber of  any  church  and  was  singularly  reserved  in  reference  to  his 
personal  religious  life  gives  only  the  greater  force  to  these  striking 
proofs  of  his  profound  reverence  and  faith. — Nicolay  and  Hay^s 
"Life  of  Lincoln." 

Mr.  Lincoln  has  furnished  the  American  people  a  statesman 
without  a  stateman's  craftiness,  a  politician  without  a  politician's 
meanness,  a  ruler  without  the  pride  of  place  or  power,  an  ambi- 
tious man  without  selfishness,  and  a  successful  man  without  vanity. 
— J.  G.  Holland. 

God  brought  up  Lincoln  as  he  brought  up  David  from  the 
sheep  folds  to  feed  Jacob,  his  people,  and  Israel,  his  inheritance. 
And  he  fed  us  faithfully  and  truly.  He  fed  us  with  counsel  when 
we  were  in  doubt,  with  inspiration  when  we  sometimes  faltered, 
with    caution   when    we   would   be   rash,   with    calm,   clear   trustful 


Tributes  to  Lincoln  139 

cheerfulness  through  many  dark  days  and  hours.  At  the  last  be- 
hold him  with  his  hand  reached  out  to  feed  the  South  with  mercy 
and  the  North  with  charity,  and  the  whole  land  with  peace,  when 
the  Lord  who  had  sent  him  called  him  home,  and  his  work  was 
done ! — Phillips  Brooks. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  face  was  the  saddest  one  I  ever  painted.  And 
yet  he  always  had  a  kind  word  for  every  one  and  almost  always 
a  genial  smile,  and  he  frequently  relieved  his  feelings  by  some 
harmless  pleasantry.  "If  i  had  not  this  vent  for  my  feelings,  I 
SHOULD  die!"  he  exclaimed  on  one  occasion. — F.  B.  Carpenter. 

Then  his  broad  good  humor,  in  which  he  delighted,  and  in 
which  he  excelled,  was  a  rich  gift  to  this  wise  man.  It  enabled 
him  to  keep  his  secret,  to  meet  every  kind  of  man  and  every  rank 
in  society,  to  take  off  the  edge  of  the  severest  decisions,  to  mask 
his  own  purpose  and  sound  his  companion  and  to  catch  with  true 
instinct  the  temper  of  every  company  he  addressed. — R.  W.  Emer- 
son. 

From  the  union  of  these  colonists,  the  puritans  and  cavaliers, 
from  the  straitening  of  their  purposes  and  the  crossing  of  their 
blood,  slow  perfecting  through  the  centuries,  came  he  who  stands 
as  the  First  Typical  American,  the  first  who  comprehended  in  him- 
self all  the  strength  and  gentleness,  all  the  majesty  and  grace  of 
this  Republic,  Abraham  Lincoln  I  He  was  the  sum  of  puritan  and 
cavalier;  for  in  his  ardent  nature  were  fused  the  virtues  of  both, 
and  in  the  depths  of  his  great  soul  the  faults  of  both  were  lost. 
He  was  greater  than  puritan,  he  was  greater  than  cavaHer,  in  that 
he  was  American,  in  that  in  his  homely  form  were  gathered  all 
the  vast  and  thrilling  forces  of  this  ideal  government  of  ours, 
charging  it  with  such  tremendous  meaning  and  so  elevating  it  above 
human  suffering,  that  martyrdom,  though  infamously  aimed,  came 
at  last  as  a  fitting  close  to  a  life  consecrated  from  its  cradle  to 
human  liberty  ! — Henry  W.  Grady. 

Abraham  Lincoln  achieved  more  in  American  statesmanship 
than  any  other  president,  legislator,  or  diplomat  in  the  history  of 
the  Republic ;  and  he  has  written  the  most  lustrous  records  of 
American  history. — Col.  A.  K.  McClure. 

In  Lincoln  we  first  saw  rude  vigor,  then  tempered  strength, 
then  a  great  human  spirit,  touched  with  the  pathos  of  infinite  pa- 
tience and  sorrow ;  an  ideal  American,  who  had  climbed  from  the 
bottom  to  the  top,  who  had  educated  himself  by  the  way  and 
in  becoming  supremely  great  had  remained  supremely  human ! — 
Hamilton  W.  Mabie. 

The  memory  of  the  Martyr-President  will  always  be  green 
in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen  ;  and  paeans  will  be  sung  to  his  vir- 
tues for  endless  ages.  His  tomb  will  forever  be  surrounded  with  a 
WALL  OF  LIVING  HEARTS;  and  ovcr  it  shall  wave  in  perpetual  beauty 
and  grandeur  the  flag  of  the  nation  that  he  died  to  save. — 
Anonymous. 


i4o  Appendix 

A  certain  humorist,  himself  in  high  position,  is  said  to  have 
affirmed  that  Governors  and  Presidents  must  needs  grow  emphatic 
and  more  or  less  profane  in  office.  And  yet  there  has  been  at 
least  one  clear-sighted  President,  whose  mind  and  style  grew 
steadily  finer  instead  of  coarser,  and  whom  vast  responsibilities 
made  more  patient  and  more  considerate  of  differences  of  opinion 
and  policy.  Let  Lincoln's  victory  in  the  great  ordeal  be  a  happy 
augury  for  his  latest  successor.  —  Prof.  Bliss  Perry  in  Century 
Magazine. 

To  say  that  during  the  four  years  of  Lincoln's  administration 
he  filled  the  vast  space  allotted  him  in  the  eyes  and  actions  of  man- 
kind, is  to  say  that  he  was  inspired  of  God;  for  in  no  other  way 
could  he  have  acquired  such  wisdom  and  virtue.  Where  did  Shake- 
speare get  his  genius?  Where  did  Mozart  get  his  music?  Whose 
hand  smote  the  lyre  of  the  Scottish  plowman  and  stayed  the  life 
of  the  German  priest?  The  hand  of  God,  and  of  Him  alone;  and 
as  surely  as  these  were  inspired  of  God,  Lincoln  was.  And  a 
thousand  years  hence  no,  no  drama,  no  tragedy,  no  epic  poem,  will 
be  filled  with  greater  wonder,  or  be  followed  by  mankind  with 
deeper  feeling  than  that  which  tells  the  story  of  his  life  and  his 
death  ! — Henry  Watterson. 

The  ship  is  safely  anchored,  its  voyage  closed  and  done; 
From  fearful  trip  the  victor  ship  comes  in  with  object  won! 
Exult,  O  shores,  and  ring,  O  bells!  but  I,  with  mournful  tread, 
Walk  the  deck  my  captain  lies,  fallen  cold  and  dead ! 

Walt.  Whitman. 

I  like  to  look  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  as  a  tree  on  the  summit  of 
a  mountain,  lofty  and  grand,  a  tree  of  fadeless  green  and  immortal 
beauty.  I  like  to  behold  him  as  a  star  in  the  sky,  shining  evermore 
and  growing  brighter  and  brighter  unto  the  perfect  day.  And 
lifting  my  eyes  still  upward,  I  can  see  him  standing  beside  the 
great  white  throne  of  Heaven,  and  at  the  right  hand  of  him  who 
sitteth  thereon,  his  homely  face  all  luminous  and  radiant  with 
the  love  of  human  kind,  and  his  great  arms  ever  stretched  forth  to 
welcome  to  their  eternal  home  the  spirits  of  all  those  who  fought 
to  save  this  glorious  Union.  And  with  the  same  infinite  charity 
that  he  always  manifested  here  on  the  earth,  I  can  also  see  him  wel- 
coming the  spirits  of  those  who  fought  against  us;  for  are  we  not 
all  citzens  of  the  same  country  and  children  of  the  same  Infinite 
Father  in  Heaven?  And  in  that  realm  of  light  and  beauty  and 
glory,  comrades  and  fellow  citizens,  methinks  the  Star  Spangled 
Banner  will  always  wave  over  his  head — and  ours ! — The  Author. 


